ii-~^ / 



BONAPARTE, 

AND 

THE FRENCH PEOPLE 



BONAPARTE, 



AND 



THE FRENCH PEOPLE 



UNDER HIS CONSULATE. 



TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAM 

TERIfAS ODIUM PARIT. 
THE FIRST AMERICAN EDITION. 



PRINTED BY ISAAC COLLINS AND SON, 
FOR THEMSELVES, AND FOR SAMUEL STANSBURT. 

1804. 



M 



JjCi03 



8v TransfST 
AUG 12 1327 



ADVERTISEMENT. 

The circumstances attending the publication of 
the present work excite pecuhar interest. It ap- 
peared in Germany a short time since : its sale was 
uncommonly rapid; but no sooner did it reach the 
First Consul,, than he exerted his influence with the 
Continental Powers^ and every where succeeded in 
obtaining its suppression. 

Bonaparte has hitherto been but imperfectl3' 
known ; and as his influence is not likely to cause 
its interdiction here, the world may yet have an 
opportunity of" forming an estimate of the man, 
whose political successes have so materially con- 
tributed to agitate Europe. 

It may be necessary to observe^ that several quo- 
tations from public orators, as well as extracts from 
some French pamphlets, which were interspersed 
in the original, are here given as an appendix. 

London, June 8, J 804. 



PREFACE 
BY THE AUTHOR. 



A German, of no party, not unacquainted 
with the former flate of France, a near ob- 
ferver of the French revolution, fometimes 
abfent, fometimes prefent, and of late its in- 
habitant, does not think it an unwelcome 
fervice to his countrymen, if he faithfully 
relate to them what he has found moft re- 
markable and interefling during his flay at 
Paris. He does not aim at the honor of being 
ranked either among the detra£lers or the apo- 
logifts of the prefent conftitution and govern- 
ment, but will rather abftain, as much as pof- 
lible, from all opprobrious terms and enthufi- 
aftic praifes, with which foreign and French 
writers too often abound. His chief objeft 



PREFACE. 

is, to unravel the condu6l of the French go- 
vernment to his readers, as far as he is able to 
comprehend it. 

Every occurrence in new-modelled France, 
deriving its fource from that extraordinary- 
man, who gave to it its prefent form, a view 
of his life, which may ferve to eflablifh the 
truth of former accounts, to corre6l others, 
and to bring fome new fafts to light, appear- 
ed to him the moft unobje£lionable way. 
Thofe readers who may delire to be informed 
of his military achievements, or his political 
tranfa£lions, will find much fatisfaQion in a 
number of great and fmall French publica- 
tions ; in feveral journals publifhed in Ger- 
many, by Archenholz, Huber, Botticher; in 
the political annals of Poffett, and in ano- 
ther journal, appearing under the general title 
" France." 

Paris, in the 1 \th Year of the Reimblic, 



BONAPARTE 

AND THE 

FRENCH PEOPLE. 



Napoleon Bonaparte was bom the 
15th of Auguft, 1769, at Ajaccio, a fmall 
town on the weftern fide of Corfica : he was 
the eldeft fon of a lawyer, who poffeffed fome 
land near that place. 

General Marboeuf, whb had juft finifhed 
the conqueft of Corfica for France, and re- 
mained there as governor of the ifland, foon 
-became an intimate friend of the family of 
Bonaparte, and fhewed a fatherly concern for 
the education of young Napoleon, whom he 
caufed to be admitted into the royal mili- 
tary college at Brienne, in that province of 
France, formerly called Champagne, to which 
B 



2 BONAPARTE 

he was removed in the year 1779, being then 
ten years of age. As he was of a weakly con- 
llitution, and naturally inclined to folitude, 
and a ftoical rigour in life, he gained but little 
in bodily ftrength, cheerfulnefs of mind, or 
focial virtue, by confinement, and anxious re- 
ftridions to which the Monks, the guardians 
of this military cloifter, thought proper to 
bind their pupils. 

The regular hours of fchool excepted, he 
lived at firfl almoft exclufively in his gloomy 
cell, where, provided with the fpare furniture 
of a hammock, an earthen jug, and a wafh- 
ing-bafon, he was locked up every night like 
other pupils, and clofely watched by an in- 
fpeftor, patrolling all night up and down the 
corridor. Afterwards he ufed to retire to 
his ftudies to a fmall folitary garden, for 
which he had contrived to obtain fome ad- 
ditional ground from his fchoolfellows : this 
he had endeavoured to feparate as much as 
poflible from their polTeflions, and to ex- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 3 

elude every one by planting pallifadoes and 
ftimbs around it. One day, when his fchool- 
fellows, after unfuccefsfully attempting to 
let ofF fome fire-works, and many of them 
being feverely fcorched, in their confufion 
broke through this fence to efcape, he drove 
them back with his garden implements. He 
never joined in their parties and youthful 
fports. He was dubbed the Spartan, and re- 
tained this nickname as long as he remained 
in the college. 

The deliverance of his native land from 
the French yoke was his favourite theme; 
and his expreffions, in that refpe6l, often be- 
trayed in him a belief of its being his def- 
tiny happily to accomplilh the plans, in which 
Paoli, who was then the idol of his heart, 
had proved unfuccefsful. His fchoolfellows 
could not provoke his anger more, than by 
calling him a vaffal of France. He had 
fworn eternal hatred to the Genoefe, by whom 
Corfica was fold to that power. One day, 



4 BONAPARTE 

when a young Corfican, newly arrived, was 
prefented to him as a Genoefe, he inflantly 
feized him by the hair, and would have killed 
him, if fome ftronger boys had not parted 
them. For feveral weeks after, his rage al- 
ways rekindled, when by chance he met this 
young iludent. 

He likewife fignalized himfelf from his 
fchoolfellows, by a religious caft of mind, to 
the great fatisfa6lion of his fpiritual teachers. 

The mode of inftru6tion in this college 
being chiefly calculated for improvement in 
military art, coincided bell with his inclina- 
tion. Bonaparte did not profit much by the 
general inftru6lions at the beginning, but 
foon devoted himfelf exclufively to the ftudy 
of mathematics. He cared little about the 
knowledge of claffic or modern languages, 
and ftill lefs for an acquaintance with the li- 
beral arts and fciences ; even the mechanical 
proficiencies of youth, as writing, riding, 
&c, were little regarded by him : hence he ftill 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 5 

writes a bad, illegible hand, and is but an indif- 
ferent horfeman. His greateft delight was in 
reading Plutarch, and the life of the Marfhal 
Prince of Saxony, which he chofe as a recre- 
ation after the regular hours of clofe ftudy in 
mathematics. 

The firft friend he felefted among his 
fchoolfellows was Faucelet de Bourienne, 
like him a ftudent in mathematics, and a 
youth who by his mild temper and pleafmg 
bafhfulnefs, had gained the good will of all the 
other boys. This Bourienne became, and al- 
ways continued, firft private fecretary to Bo- 
naparte, till the prefent year. 

His morofenefs, and rough behaviour, to 
moft of his fchoolfellows, expofed him to 
continual quarrels and battles, in which he 
generally fuflFered, being the weakeft ; yet he 
would never lodge a complaint with his rigid 
fchoolmafters againft them. He was gene- 
rally their fpeaker and advocate in their little 
infurredlions, and was ufually lingled out 



6 BONAPARTE 

and puniflied as the leader, when the other 

boys would cringe for fear of being flogged; 

yet the moft fevere chaftifement could not 

draw a fingle complaint from his lips. 

He even feemed to be quite indifferent at 

a military difgrace he once met with. The 
pupils were divided into companies, forming 
a battalion ; the officers were chofen among 
themfelves, and bore the uniform of the 

French regulars : Bonaparte enjoyed the rank 
of captain. By a court martial, fummoned on 
the occafion, and proceeding with all due 
form and folemnity, he was declared un- 
worthy of the command over his comrades, 
and condemned to be reduced to the ranks. 
He heard this fentence read to him, and fufl^ered 
himfelf quietly to be ftripped of his infignia, 
as an officer, without ever betraying the leafl 
fymptom of forrow. 

From that period he began to join in the 
fports of the younger boys, where they 
fhewed him an uncommon partiality. He in- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. r 

jfl;ru6led them in a kind of game, modelled 
after the Olympic and Roman contentions in 
the circus ; but thefe fports foon ended in 
real fights and bloody nofes. The leader was 
chaftifed, and this new fort of diverlion abo- 
liflied. 

Bonaparte then relapfed into his former 
morofe and folitary life, when in the hard 
winter of the year 1783, his natural propen- 
fity to trials in fortification, roufed in him 
the idea of building a fmall fort with fnow. 
With the common garden utenfils, affifted by 
his moft zealous comrades, he completed a re- 
gular fquare, with four baflions on its corners, 
furrounded by a wall, three feet fix inches 
high, of which the remains, hardened by the 
froft, were flill difcernible in the month of 
May. 

After a flay of five years at this fchool, 
and having undergone the annual examina- 
tion of the royal infpeftor, the latter found 
him fo well verfed in the art of fortification. 



8 BONAPARTE 

that he thought fit to fend him to the great 
miUtary college at Paris, where he arrived on 
the 17th of Odober, 1784. 

There he continued in his wonted aufte- 
rity, and in the exclufive application to 
the ftudy of mathematics. By the inftruc- 
tions of the celebrated Monges, he profited in 
fuch a manner, as to be promoted into the 
corps of artillery after his firft examination- 
Among 300 pupils then at the college, he 
chofe for his more intimate friends, Laurifton, 
who was of a phlegmatic temper, and Dupont, 
an audacious youth. He generally fpent his 
leifure hours in one of the baflions of a fmall 
fort, called " Lieu brune," and built for the 
ufe of the pupils at the top of their ufual 
walk. There, leaning on the parapet, with 
the works of Vauban, Cohorn, and Folard, 
by his fide, he drew plans for the attack and 
defence of this fmall fort. He entered the 
regiment of artillery called " la 'Fere," garri- 
foned at Auxone, as lieutenant, in July, 1785, 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 9 

and there ufually paffed the greater part of 
the day in the precinfts of the fortification, 
and half the night in reading military books. 
His predile6lion for republican liberty brought 
him into many difputes and troubles : one 
of his comrades challenged him once on that 
account ; but the matter was amicably fettled 
through the interference of friends. Another 
time, whilft walking by the fide of a river 
with his fellow officers, he declared himfelf 
an enemy to the king, and provoked their 
anger to fuch a degree, that they were on the 
point of throwing him in, which he very 
narrowly efcaped. 

By the death of General Marboeuf, in the 
year 1786, he loft that fupport and prote6lion, 
which alone could render his ft ay at the regi- 
ment agreeable and advantageous, he there- 
fore returned to his mother in Corfica. 

In the year 1790, when a revolution broke 
out in Corfica, he was made commander of 
a battalion of national guards, at Ajaccio. 



10 BONAPARTE 

Paoii looking on him as a dangerous enemy to 
his felfiih plans, drove him with his family 
back to France, where they arrived in the 
year 1793. 

Bonaparte re-entered the corps of artillery. 
At the liege of Toulon, whilft ferving a field- 
piece, with nothing but dead bodies lying 
around him, he was efpied by the reprefenta- 
tives Barras and Freron, who inftantly com- 
mitted to him the defence of a redoubt of im- 
portance. 

Barras, an experienced commander, foon 
found fault with the pointing of the guns in 
this battery ; but Bonaparte bade him mind his 
own affairs, as reprefentative of the people, and 
leave the care of this redoubt to him. 

After the taking of Toulon, he was pro- 
moted to the rank of brigadier-general, and 
fent to Nizza ; but Aubry, the deputy, dif- 
placed him foon after, and fent him into 
prifon as a terrorift. 

Being releafed, it was intended to give him 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 1 1 

a comtnifjQon in the infantry, but he hallened 
to Paris to lodge his complaints. Finding no 
redrefs, he demanded his difcharge, and leave 
to go to Conftantinople, but was refufed both. 
On the infurreftion of the Parifians, on the 
bloody and ever memorable days of the 4th 
and 5th of 06lober, 1795, he headed the 
troops as fecond in command under Barras : 
tranquillity being reftored, the command 
of the army of the interior was entrufted to 
him. 

Soon after he married the chere amie of 
Barras, the widow of General Beauharnois, 
who died under the guillotine. By this mar- 
riage he obtained a fortune of 500,000 
livres, and the chief command of the Italian 
army. He found it in a moft deplorable 
ftate, but by cunning and fuccefsful enter- 
prifes, he reftored difcipline, and fupplied 
the wants of the troops. At the battle of Lodi 
he betrayed, for the firft time, that military 
ftubbornnefs, which does not fcruple about 



13 BONAPARTE 

the facrifice of human blood. He conquered 
Lombard^. The Venetians provoked his an- 
ger by an unqualified fapport of the Aullrians. 
He marched againfl Rome and Naples ; fliew- 
ing outwardly refpe6l and moderation towards 
the Pope, he granted an armiftice ; and the 
moft precious monuments of art, the choiceft 
treafures of the libraries in the Vatican, and 
cabinets of the princes, were delivered up to 
France for ever. 

Near Caftiglione he is defeated for the firfl 
time ; but this reverfe only increafes his bold- 
nefs in the attack of Lonado, which is followed 
by another victory near Roveredo. At Areola 
he and Augereau experience the firft refiflance 
of French troops to obey their commands ; 
they refufe to pafs the bridge as they had 
done at Lodi, feeing certain death before their 
eyes. He alters the plan of attack, and fights 
the bloody battles near Areola and Rivoli, with 
ftill greater fury. Mantua furrenders on the 
sd of February, 1797. Bonaparte proceeds 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 13 

to the frontiers of Tyrol, and after the fur- 
render of the fortrefs Klagenfi^rt marches on 
towards Vienna. His light troops approach 
at the diftance of twenty leagues, but the Ve- 
netians fall upon the fmall garrifons and the 
wounded who were left behind. His wrath 
rekindles at this treachery. 

The emperor fued for peace : Preliminaries 
were fignedat Leoben, in 1797 ; and the Ve- 
netians, the oldeft republicans of Europe, 
were delivered over to him. 

Bonaparte returned to Paris, and was re- 
ceived like a Saviour ; he was named plenipo- 
tentiary to the congrefs of Radftadt ; but he 
difcovered on both fides a defire to prolong 
the negociations for peace, and haflened back 
to Paris, where new honors and the higheft 
praifes were profufely bellowed upon him. He 
was promoted to the chief command of an ex- 
pedition, feemingly direfted againft England. 
He pretended to employ his time in fcientific 
purfuits, yet in fa6l he planned the conqueft of 



U BONAPARTE 

Egypt : the weak direftory, fearing his popu- 
larity, moft readily entered into this meafure. 
Spurred on by jealoufy, they employed all 
pofTible means to prepare a grand expedition, 
at once fcientific and military. The treafury 
of the city of Bern, being fuppofed to be far 
richer than fubfequent experience proved, 
was intended to defray the expences of the 
enterprife. This mis-calculation decided the 
fate of the poor Swifs, who had given offence 
to the uncontrolled warrior, by their anxioufly 
endeavouring to prevent the marching of his 
troops througTi their territories. 

In the month of May, 1798, a fleet of one 
hundred and ninety-four fail, with 40,000 of 
the bell French troops, under the command of 
their ableft generals (many learned men, ar- 
tifls, and mechanics accompanying them,) fet 
out from Toulon. Bonaparte had a moft mi- 
raculous efcape from the Englifh fleet : he 
pofTelTed himfelf of Malta by his artfulnefs 
and force, left it on the 20th of June for 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. IS 

Egypt, and again efcaped the vigilance of 
Nelfon's fquadron, then only a few leagues 
off. 

Before landing, he ilTued a proclamation, 
recommending to his troops a refpe6lful beha- 
viour towards the Mahomedans and the fe- 
male fex. He laid Alexandria under contri- 
bution, and marched on to Cairo without de- 
lay ; but met with an unexpe6led reliftance 
from the well-mounted and warlike Mame- 
lukes. By an expert manoeuvre, he made a 
dreadful havoc, and difperfed them. Cairo 
was taken, and the foldiers gained an immenfe 
booty, chiefly by pofTeffing themfelves of the 
property of the Mamelukes. Bonaparte pur- 
fued Ibrahim Bey into Syria, converfed like a 
Turk near the grand pyramid " des chops" 
with the Turkilh chiefs, and declared himfelf 
a friend and adorer of Mahomed. Whilft he 
was fuccefsfully attacking Murad Bey in fe- 
veral battles, though not without lofs, the 
extortions and cruelties with which the con-« 



16 BONAPARTE 

tributions were levied, caufed an infurreftion 
of the inhabitants of Cairo, many of whom 
were butchered ; Bonaparte reftored order, 
and afterwards framed a new conftitution 
for Egypt. 

He proceeded to Syria, took Jaffa by florm, 
befieged the fortrefs of Saint Jean d'Acre, 
defended by the Enghfh and Turks. After 
a bombardment of fixty days — after many 
battles, and repeated unfuccefsful affaults, 
he was compelled to retreat with his reduced 
army to Cairo. He re-poffeffed himfelf of 
the fort Aboukir, and prepared clandeflinely 
to leave Egypt. 

Lucien Bonaparte had found means to keep 
up a correfpondence with his brother, by the 
way of England ; he had acquainted him 
with the miferable ftate of the interior of 
France, and with the diforganization of the 
armies, every where defeated. The jealous 
direftory, far from fending him any intelli- 
gence, endeavoured as much as they could to 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 17 

keep him in the moft profound ignorance of 
the political ftate of Europe. 

The Englifh knew probably of his defign 
to quit Egypt, but fufFered him to do fo, fully 
perfuaded, that with the departure of the con- 
triver of this expedition, the whole would in- 
evitably fail. With a fquadron of two frigates 
and two fmaller veffels, he fet fail in light of 
the Englifti fleet, on the 23d of Auguft, 1799, 
after having appointed, by a fealed order, 
Kleber to the chief command, and Deffaix 
to the command in Upper Egypt. He met 
but one Englifh frigate at fea, and landed at 
Ajaccio, his native place, on the 30th of Sep- 
tember ; after quelling an infurreftion there, 
he haftened to Frejus, and thence to Paris. 
His journey refembled a triumph. 

Bonaparte found France in a moft deplo- 
rable ftate, under her impotent and difunited 
direftory : flie was perhaps approaching her 
total dilTolution : her broken finances could 
no longer be held up by legal extortions and 

D 



18 BONAPARTE 

forced loans. The armies wanted every 

thing, and were every where defeated. 

The two direftors, Barras and Sieyes, 
thought to avail themfelves of his courage, 
enterprifing genius, and good fortune, in or- 
der to promote their diflFerent private views ; 
but the two brothers, more cunning and dex- 
terous in the purfuit of their obje6t, knew 
how to make the authority of the two for- 
mer fubfervient to their defign. 

Bonaparte feemed willing to wait till the 
firft enthufiafm of the people had fubfided ; 
and not at all anxious to avail himfelf of it, 
he was in faft prying into the fecret ftate of 
affairs, and the true charafter of the direc- 
tors and leading members of the two legifla- 
tive councils. He was alfo forced to delay 
the execution of his plan, till his brother Lu- 
cien could be made prefident of the Council 
of Five Hundred. 

Sieyes had exerted himfelf in forming a 
kind of provifionary government, which he 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 19 

meant to truft into the hands of feveral per- 
fons on whom he could depend ; for he nei- 
ther thought himfelf, Barras, nor any of the 
five direftors, fully capable of being fole dic- 
tator. He relied on the audacity and refolute 
mind of Bonaparte, who was to be fent to 
Italy to reap new laurels, after having realifed 
his plan. Rcederer and Talleyrand ferved as 
meffengers between Sieyes and Bonaparte. 
Only a few of the council of the ancients, 
and of the five hundred, were in the fecret. 

On the 8th of November, at the early hour 
of fix in the morning, every member of the 
council of the ancients, on whom dependance 
could be placed, received a card of invitation ; 
and at eight o'clock they affembled in the pa- 
lace of the Thuilleries, where they decreed, 
" That the legiflative bodies fhould remove to 
St. Cloud, and meet there the following morn- 
ing." General Bonaparte was charged with 
the execution of this decree by the council of 
ancients, and intrufled with the command of 



20 BONAPARTE 

the guards of the legiflative body, with the 

17th divifion of regulars. 

A few hours after, two addreffes from Bo- 
naparte, the one to the inhabitants of Paris, 
the other to the foldiery, were ftuck up at 
every corner of the ftreets. The whole tenor 
of them betrayed the hurry in which they were 
drawn up. In the addrefs dire6led to the fol- 
diers, Bonaparte already ventured to ufe the 
following terms : " For the two la ft years the 
aflpairs of the republic have been badly ma- 
naged. You were in hopes that my return 
would put a flop to many evils." In the 
council of ancients he exclaimed, in the pre- 
fence of the dire6lors Sieyesand Roger Ducos, 
'• We demand a republic, founded on the 
principles of liberty, equality, and national re- 
prefentation." Of the exifting conftitution, 
to which all had fworn, no mention was made. 
A fmall pamphlet was defignedly written, and 
diftributed gratis, to eafe the minds of the 
Parifians from a fear of Bonaparte's intending 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 21 

to aft the part of Caefar or Cromwell. The 
council of five hundred affcmbled about noon 
at their wonted place ; but being informed of 
the removal of their fittings to St. Cloud, 
and dire6led to affemble there on the fol- 
lowing morning, they were advifed to depart; 
to which they fubmitted, the 103d article of 
the conftitution authorifing fuch a removal. 

The five hundred affembled the next morn- 
ing at St. Cloud, almoft without the excep- 
tion of a fingle member. There they com- 
menced an unexpefted and violent oppofi- 
tion, by taking an oath for the maintenance 
of the conftitution. Lucien Bonaparte, their 
prefident, was moft grofsly infulted, and 
commanded to outlaw his brother : he fhew- 
ed great felf-command, and difplayed much 
eloquence, till the fit moment of refigning 
his prefidency arrived. 

Napoleon Bonaparte, after having previous- 
ly made every preparation for military fup- 
port, entered the council of the ancients; but 



32 BONAPARTE 

he did not find there fo many votes in his fa- 
vour as he expe6led. However, giving them 
to underftandj that the God of war and his 
good fortune would ftill protedt him, he re- 
tired; yet, after his departure, it was moved, 
that a new oath fliould be taken for the main- 
tenance of the conflitution. 

Lucien Bonaparte had demanded in the af- 
fembly of ihe five hundred, that his brother 
might be heard ; the latter now entered, but 
was loaded with abufe and reproaches and de- 
fired to withdraw. Many ocular witneffes 
deny that daggers were drawn. The multi- 
tude preffed forward, bitterly inveighing 
againft his behaviour ; his friends fiirrounded 
him, and covered his retreat. Bonaparte then 
addrelling the troops before the palace, bade 
them difperfe the mad affembly by force ; Ge- 
neral Murat, brother in law to Bonaparte, 
rufhed into the affembly at the head of the 
grenadiers. Lucien had juft laid down the 
infignia of the prefident, and refigned. The 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. srs 

firfl; care-of the grenadiers was to fecure him ; 
which being accompHfhed, they ordered the 
aflembly to difperfe ; they were not however 
over-awed immediately. Many of the mem- 
bers addreffing the foldiers, conjured them in 
the name of liberty not to follow their leaders, 
who aimed at the defi;ru6lion of the republic. 
General Murat ordered the drums to beat, 
drowning thus at once their voices and cla- 
mours : tired with their obftinacy he encircled 
the affembly on the right and left by an artful 
manoeuvre, and the grenadiers drove them 
with the bayonet through all the avenues^ 
windows, and doors of the halL 

Bonaparte in the mean time was bufily em- 
ployed. By marches and counter-marches he 
adroitly kept the troops in continual motion^ 
in order to avoid their being corrupted. He 
was prefent every where, and fpared neither 
flatteries, obliging words, nor fpecious pro- 
mifes, which made but too favourable an im- 
preffion, on the foldiers^ ill provided and 



34 BONAPARTE 

naked as they were. " Vive Bonaparte !" was 
the general cry, when their beloved leader 
had finiftied his harangue. 

Neverthelefs the unexpefled and violent 
refinance of the five hundred, had greatly 
fhaken him ; he loft his temper ; and con- 
trary to his former cuftom he broke forth in- 
to the moft violent exclamations and threats. 
A captain of the guards, having entered the 
council, oflPered to execute a decree, by which 
it was declared, that the grenadiers were not 
under the command of Bonaparte ; he inftant- 
ly broke him. 

Lucien Bonaparte, who feemed hitherto to 
have kept his temper, now powerfully urged 
his brother to avail himfelf of the triumph 
of the moment, whilft he was going into the 
council of ancients to refute the charges made 
againft them. 

At night both the legiflative bodies, who 
had been prevented from leaving St. Cloud, 
affembled again, but of the five hundred, 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 25 

fcarcely two thirds were prefent. The latter 
decreed at laft " that the direftory had ceafed 
to exift," that the provifional government of 
the ftate ftiould be committed to Sieyes, Roger 
Ducos, and General Bonaparte : " that the 
latter Ihall bear the title of conful," that 
twenty five members, chofen from the two 
iegiflative bodies before their adjournment, be 
added to them as a fubordinate council of ftate. 

The new confuls took the ufual oath of 
liberty, and equality, in the affembly of five 
hundred. The fame decree met with op- 
pofition in the council of ancients, but was 
carried at laft, and the new confuls were 
fworn in. Two proclamations, the one from 
Bonaparte, the other from the minifter of 
police, Fouche, informed the people on the 
next morning of thefe events, and the new 
government entered into their fun6lions with- 
out further refiftance. 

Bonaparte had now reached the plenitude 
of power ; thirty millions of his fellow-crea- 
E 



as BONAPARTE 

tures obeyed him : he was uncontrolled and 
fecurej all parties prelTed forward to join 
him ; tired with their long, continued ftrifes 
and numberlefs diforders, all looked up to 
him, in the hopes of fecurity and happinefs; 
all confided in the republican hero, who had 
even attempted to diffeminate knowledge and 
freedom through the deferts of Africa. It 
was a happy moment : no hero, no legiflator, 
in ancient or modern hiftory, had ever been 
fo fuccefsful. All was prepared ; the mate- 
rials of a glorious conilitution for mankind 
were at hand — ready at the difpofal of a truly 
great man, who, forgetful of his own in- 
tereft, only ftudied the good of mankind : but 
Bonaparte was not this great man — his was 
not this noble aim. Whether he was a6lu- 
ated by that thirft of power, by which men 
of ftrong minds and uncontrollable a6livity 
are ufually impelled; or by his conviction 
of the French being incapable of freedom ; 
Bonaparte was only courageous ; having no 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 27 

other view than to eftablilh himfelf fole 
ruler. 

A new conftitution, as it was called, by 
which all public funftions were to be fub- 
ordinate to him, was introduced on the 
15th of December; by it all authority was 
veiled in the hands of one fingle man. 
And this fame conftitution was but a tool, 
which he might lay afide whenever he chofe: 
a legiflative body, without the power of im- 
poling laws : a tribunate, with full powers to 
make complaints, which the government had 
a right to difregard : a fenate, incapable of en- 
forcing its decrees — thefe were the bulwarks 
againft the defpotifm of a man, in whofe 
hands all executive power was lodged, who 
could propofe laws, and even annihilate at 
once the conftitution altogether. 

Sieyes becoming importunate with his ma- 
ny new propofals and fpeculations, was fpeed- 
ily filenced, and politically killed by the 
weight of national property; by the acceptance 



28 BONAPARTE 

and enjoyment of which he has loft the confi- 
dence of all thole who formerly efteemed him 
as a dilinterefted patriot of incorruptible 
morals. 

Bonaparte might have chofen the title, by 
which he alone was to take the helm of go- 
vernment, but he preferred the appearance 
of republicanifm, and plurality of rulers. 
Tw^o confuls, pliable men, expert in fome 
branches of political ceconomy, of which the 
Firft Conful was totally ignorant — Camba- 
ceres, an experienced lawyer, and Lebrun, a 
well known financier, were felefted to be his 
coadjutors. 

For his minifters and counfellors of ftate, 
he chofe, along with his two brothers, many 
generals who had (ignalized themfelves chiefly 
in the war under his command ; the moft dif- 
tinguiflied of the writers and leaders of par- 
ties, and even fome profeffional and learned 
men, on whofe political principles and entire 
fubmiflion he could rely. Many lucrative 
places were given to noblemen w^ho had remain- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 29 

ed in France, even to emigrants, great numbers 
of whom were foon after allowed to return. 

Thus he hoped to have fatisfied all parties, 
and this plan anfwered the purpofe at firft. 
Every one bufy with his new place, or with 
comfortable arrangements for the future, loft 
light of the'proceedings of government. Fo- 
reigners, who were not forced to declare for 
any man, or any party, and thus efcaped the 
general rage, could alone make their obferva- 
tions, with coolnefs and impartiality; and dur- 
ing the whole French revolution, they faw 
plainly, to the difgrace of France, that it was 
the fhuttle-cock of contending parties. The 
whole nation was fometimes led away by 
crafty and felf-interefted politicians, and its 
attention fixed on objefts that had no con- 
nexion with the real plan of the latter. They 
went on with fecurity, whilft the multitude 
were zealoufly contending for trifles. They 
were now, however, all difgufted and exhaufted. 
After having tried every experiment, after 



30 BONAPARTE 

many vain flruggles for the attainment of 
their grand point, comfort and tranquillity, 
they all panted for repofe, they anxioufly 
looked for the man who would fecure it to 
them. A man, fail of energy, who had 
, puflied himfelf forward in fpite of all parties 
and impediments, by his unexampled auda- 
city : whofe fole aim, as it feemed, was to 
prpmote the real happinefs of all, could not 
be trufted v^ith too much power, as he might 
the better fatisfy their delires. They therefore 
granted him every thing. 

Some public writers certainly raifed their 
voices, to put a flop to this blind confidence 
in one man, and to roufe the deluded multi- 
tude. Lacratelle, the elder, tried to warn the 
new diftator. Caefar, faid he, made himfelf 
di6lator, and under this title, annihilated the 
Roman republic. Sylla had before him availed 
himfelf of a fimilar power, to chaftife the un- 
bridled populace, and to reftore the majefty 
of the fenate. The former fell a facrifice to 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 51 

his ambition during hi« diftatorfliip ; the 
latter refigned, and lived in peace among 
thofe inhabitants who had been the witneffes 
of his cruelties. Many other French v^-riters 
followed, but their eflrorts were fruitlefs ; their 
voices were not heard. 

Flufhed by his good fortune : proud of his 
new dignity, Bonaparte thought fit to write 
perfonally, on the 26th of December, to the 
King of England, and the Emperor of Ger- 
many, without obferving the ufual forms. He 
received no anfwer. The minifter for foreign 
a,ffairs, Talleyrand, fent a note to Lord Gren- 
ville, in which, after taking a retrofpeQ;ive 
view of paft events, preliminaries of peace 
were offered. Lord Grenville anfwered it, 
though by no means in fuch a manner as to 
give fatisfa6lion. He noticed the aggreHion 
of France — the unfettled ftate of religion — the 
neceflity of a government in which confidence 
might be placed ; this language was highly 
difpleafing, and war therefore was refolved on. 



32 BONAPARTE 

Bonaparte, in order to be able to aft with 
more energy againft his foreign enemies, tried 
all the arts of cunning, force, mildnefs, and ri- 
gour, to tranquilife the party in La Vendee, 
and to get rid of a domeftic enemy, who had 
always been an unconquerable and formidable 
opponent. General Bernadotte, who had al- 
ready fhewn himfelf a friend, by keeping his 
troops ina6live on the 3d and 4th of Oftober, 
now efFedually aflilled Bonaparte, and they 
fucceeded. ' 

Maffena was equally fuccefsful in the exe- 
cution of his plans againft the Auftrians and 
Ruffians in Switzerland. He marched for- 
ward into Italy, but thought it prudent to 
avoid attacking an enemy fuperior in force, 
and fhut himfelf up in Genoa. Moreau 
was more fuccefsful ; he penetrated into the 
heart of Auftria, forced his opponents to 
abandon their plans, and take fuch pofitions 
as he chofe to affign them ; and thus prepared 
for Bonaparte the decifive moment in which 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 33 

he might, by a bold ftroke, bring the whole 
to a final conclufion. 

An army of referve of 30,000 confcripts 
having been aflembled on the y\^ of March, 
iiear Dijon, and having increafed to 50,000 
by the return of the Vendean army, and many 
volunteers, Bonaparte led them on in perfon, 
and paffed mount St. Bernard. This paffage 
through the Alps, though not to be compared 
with Hannibal's famous entei'prife, ftill will it 
ever be recorded in modern hi (lory as equally 
remarkable. Whether we confiderthe habits 
of life in men, their manner of warfare, and 
the times in which thefe great events feyerally 
took place, they are both alike extraordinary. 
The paffages of the Simplon and mount St. 
Gotthard, were eflPe6led at the fame time. The 
pafTage of the Po was forced by feveral bodies 
of troops : an engagement took place near 
Montobello; and Tortona was befieged in 
confequence. " It v/as the good fortune of 
Bonaparte that brought General DefTaix from 

F 



34 BONAPARTE 

Egypt into his camp. At this moment the 
pofition and manoeuvres of the enemy on the 
morning of the 14th of June, 1800, pointed 
out MarengOj a village between Tortona and 
Alexandria, as the fpot that was to decide a bat- 
tle for which Bonaparte was not at all prepared. 
The Auftrians had retreated the day before, 
and feemed willing to avoid an engagement •, 
but General Melas faw the French army, un- 
der Maffena, approaching very faR upon him ; 
from another fide, he was in danger of being 
between two fires ; he therefore inftantly chang- 
ed his refolution, and drew a mafterly plan 
of battle. At firll, the defeat of the whole 
French army feemed inevitable : they thought 
themfelves already vanquifhed, and General 
Berthier had given orders to found the re- 
treat. It was then that Bonaparte threw 
himfelf amidft the fugitives : he infpired the 
officers and foldiers with new courage, and 
ordered them to clofe in with the corps of 
referve juft moving forward, under the com- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 35 

mand of General DefTaix. Convinced that 
every thing dear to him depended on the 
iffue of this battle, he expofed his life to the 
moft imminent danger, amidft the thunder of 
the enemy's cannon ; animating the foldiers 
by his example. The artillery of the Auflrians 
and their cavalry, were much fuperior to thofe 
of the French : the latter had only thirteen 
field-pieces with them, ten of which they had 
loft during the battle. The body of referve, 
with General Deffaix at their head, marched 
forward with their bayonets fixed, prote6^ed 
hy the three remaining field-pieces. In a 
ftiort time they had repoffeffed themfelves of 
fix field-pieces. Whilft in the a6]fc of retak- 
ing a feventh, General Deffaix fell mortally 
wounded. " Cachez ma mort aux foldats" 
faid he to his aides-de-camp ; and foon after, 
as he was expiring, he added, "Go, tell the 
Firft Conful, that I die with regret for not 
having fignalized myfelf fufficiently to hand 
down my name to pofterity." Thus the great 



36 BONAPARTE 

prefence of mind of this heroic warrior, with 
the perfonal bravery of Bonaparte, and the 
undaunted firmnefs of the confular guard, 
which flood immovable Hke a rock, in the 
mid ft of the field of battle, turned the fcale, 
and the advantage remained on the fide of the 
French, till night put an end to the flaughter. 
Still vi61:ory did not feem to be decided: 
Bonaparte looked forward to a new attack 
on the next morning as certain. His fur- 
prife and aftonifhment were the greater, 
when the Auftrian general offered terms, and 
fhewed himfelf anxious for a convention even 
on the moft difadvantageous terms ; by which 
an armiftice was certainly fettled ; but all for- 
tified places between the Po, Oglio, and 
Chiefa, were ceded to the French. Genoa, Pied- 
mont, and Lombardy were again fet free. Bona- 
parte haftened to Milan, where his vi61;orious 
entry afforded great fatisfaftion to the friend* 
of Jacobinifm, to whoni his defeat had al- 
ready been announced. A grand Te Deum 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 37 

was celebrated to his honour in the cathedral 
ef Milan. His ftafF accompanied him. When 
the priells aflced him in what manner he chofe 
to be received, he replied inftantly, come 
i'imperatore, (like the emperor). 

Bonaparte appointed a provifional govern- 
ment for the Cifalpine republic on the fpot, 
and returned through Lyons, where he com- 
manded the ftreets and fquares to be rebuilt 
which had been reduced to alhes, during the 
reign of terrorifm. He himfelf laid the firft 
ftone of the new buildings of the fquare Bel- 
lecour, which name was changed into that of 
Bonaparte. He arrived at Paris two days be- 
fore he was expefted, and thus avoided the 
ceremonies of a triumphal entry, which had 
been decreed him. 

On the following day he received the con- 
gratulatory addrelTes of the conftituted autho- 
rities, of the national inflitute, and the fe- 
veral adminiftrations. All the houfes at Paris 
were illuminated five nights fucceflively. 



as BONAPARTE 

•Plaj^^s and other amufements in celebration of 
this great viiSlory were given in all the theatres 
of Paris. The exultation was general, and all 
were in great hopes for the future. The fplen- 
did vi6lories which were obtained by Moreau 
in Germany, ftill more increafed the hopes of 
a general peace. On the 14th of July, the an- 
niverfary of the revolution, all feemed enrap- 
tured with their viftory and viftorious leader. 
The revolution and its obje6l were entirely 
forgotten. Grand proceffions, Entertainments, 
prize-fighting, running matches, &c. attra6led 
the attention of the Parifian multitude. Bona- 
parte and his whole family were among the 
fpeftators. The firft flone of a national monu- 
ment, in remembrance of the mofl important 
occurrences, during the revolution, was laid on 
this day, as was likewife that of a monument 
in memory of the brave General DeiTaix, to 
whom Bonaparte chiefly owed that fuccefs 
which filled them ail with rapture. 



AND THE FRE>fCH PEOPLE. 39 

The republican writers availed themfelves 
of this opportunity to remind the Conful 
of his duties. Many of them fpoke boldly, 
knowing how far the enthuiiafm of gratitude 
can lead a noble heart, and fearing, left he 
fjiould give way to the luft of power which 
too foon dazzles triumphant heroes, they 
particularly demanded the liberty of the prefs. 
They warned Bonaparte not to liften to thofe 
who fhould endeavour to infpire him with pre- 
judices fatal to the friends of republicanifm. 
Daunau, Jean de Brie, Conftant, Rioufte, 
Ginguenet, joined in thefe remonflrances. 
Bonaparte and his partifans ufed the means to 
ftifle the public voice ; th^y had already pro- 
hibited all patriotic newspapers : by their or- 
der many of the publifhers and printers of 
them werefent to prifon, after having feen their 
offices deftroyed, and their printing machines 
taken away. A fmall number of the former 
political journals ftill exifted ; yet they were 
clofely watched by the police. Some public 



40 BONAPARTE 

papers, in the pay of government, fefc up 
againft them. They recalled the old conllitu- 
tion, by which they underftood nothing lefs 
than the introdu6lion of all the terrors of for- 
mer defpotifm, and of all former intolerance in 
matters of opinion. The priefts and emigrants 
now returning in numbers, anxious to re-efta- 
blifh their wonted afcendancy and their prero- 
gatives, joined thefe hirelings. They began 
with inveighing againft Voltaire, Rouffeau, 
Raynal, Montefquieu, Mably and other wri- 
ters, who had dared to expofe the follies and 
abufes of former times. They ftyled them 
indifcriminately, atheifts, blafphemers, diftur- 
bers of the public tranquillity. The family 
of Bonaparte was highly pleafed, to fee thefe 
old experienced knights ftand forward as 
champions in their caufe, they gave them full 
fcope, being fure to come in for the harveft 
before them. 

Surrounded by a fufficient number of new 
hirelings, Bonaparte felt himfelf confident that 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 4i 

he was able to fend thetn out of the way, or 
to annihilate them, if they dared to be too loud 
and bufy. Many of the old nobility, that had 
remained in France, during the revolution, and 
had merited well of the country, were appoint- 
ed to profitable places under the new admi- 
niftration. The latter took great care at the 
fame time to occupy a number of the returned 
emigrants, by providing them with honoura- 
ble employments in the provinces. 

The new created dignities of prefers, in 
the feveral departments, who were to be one 
hundred in number, befides four hundred un- 
derprefetb, afforded him the opportunity of 
doing fo. The new adminiftration was in 
hopes to find thefe unfortunate exiles faithful 
and fubmiflive fervants, who, after having been 
worn out with continual fatigue abroad, owed 
their fecurity and comfort to its kindnefs ; 
fuch were Lameth, Mounier, Rabaut, Pomier, 
Duclos, and men of a fimilar charafter. 

Yet the number of emigrants, chiefly noble- 

G 



42 BONAPARTE 

men and piiefts, who had ventured to refcurn 
fince the folemn promife of government, to 
clofe the lifts of profcription, and to erafe all 
names of innocent perfons, was unexpeftedly 
great. Many of them looked forward to no- 
thing lefs than the complete recovery of their 
eftates, and former dignities, and became ac* 
cording to French cuftom, rather too iioify 
when government feemed unmindful of them. 
Some of the old nobility, who were known to 
have carried arms againft their native country, 
and therefore excluded from the general am- 
nefty, by a particular provifion, inlifted often 
with great violence on the erafure of their 
names from the lift. Others went ftill farther; 
without even applying for the erafure of 
their names, they inftantly went about to re- 
cover their former eftates by artful means, and 
fometimes even by force. The returned priefts 
had already begun publicly to condemn all 
thofe who had purchafed fuch national pro- 
perty ; and the fears of its prefent poffeflbrs 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 4S 

were thus raifed to a high degree. The ad- 
miniftration now thought it time to inter- 
fere, and to eftablifh a fpecial committee 
to decide on the merits of all claims of pro- 
perty made by emigrants, and revife the lifts 
of profcription, which flill contained 100,000 
names. 

An honefl member (Lafalle), feeing the . 
confufed and illegal manner in which it pro- 
ceeded, found it expedient to refign • he laid 
his reafons for fo doing before the public, 
who were informed, by thefe means, of the 
procedures of this committee. Its aim to fpin 
but this matter to a great length, and to per- 
plex it, became evident : 24,000 different 
claims were already lodged with their com-' 
mittee; but it was ftill thought proper to in- 
creafe this number, by bringing in the claims 
of the poor peafants from the Rhine, who had 
been driven away by the horrors of war; 800Q 
of whom had already petitioned for their pro- 
perty, which was left to the decifion of this com- 



44 BONAPARTE 

mittee, of which the prefe6ls of the depart- 
ments of the Rhine were certainly much better 
judges, being acquainted with all the local 
eircumftances. 

The report made by the religning member, 
lL>afalle, on this head, contains the following 
remarkable paffages : " The longer this com- 
mittee lafls, and the more its members may 
increafe in number, the lefs power will it have 
to refift machination and intrigue. Bona- 
parte may be able to conquer, and reftore 
peace, but from the prefent decline of all 
public morality — from the fhameful illibe- 
rality that pervades all ranks, and from our na- 
tional prejudices, Bonaparte will find it a hard 
tafk to feleft thirty men capable of executing 
this important charge in a dignified manner." 
He folemnly aflcs the difcontinuance of the 
committee, and the putting a flop to all emi- 
grant claims. " The tardinefs," he added, 
" obferved in all thefe procedures, and their 
very nature muft prove baneful to fociety, Ci- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 45 

tizens, hitherto honell men, grow accu Homed 
to atteft fads upon oath, the falfehood of 
which is well knbwn to them. Public officers 
get the habit of allowing fuch fcandalous 
tranfaCtions. According to a late decree of 
the confuls, no pofTeffions or eftates, already- 
become national property, can be reflored to 
emigrants erafed from the lifts : but that emi- 
grant who is moft guilty in the eye of the 
law, for having carried arms againft his own 
country, muft be looked upon as the moft; 
dangerous by all politicians, for he will not 
brook the feizure of his property. He finks 
into the clafs of thofe who have nothing to 

o 

lofe, and grows the more dangerous as he is 
fpurred on by revenge : his relations, his 
creditors, and all thofe who claim a joint pof- 
feflion of his eftates, or a fucceflion to them, 
will naturally form one party with him. 

It will be feen hereafter that this honeft 
man was right in his predidions. By the 
laft decree of the adminiftration refpe6ling 



4S BONAPARTE 

thefe claims, it was finally determined that 
all perfons, who had been leaders of French 
troops, fighting againft their own country ; 
who had accepted of any military degree in 
the armies of the enemy ; who had continued 
in the private fervices of French princes dur- 
ing the revolution ; who had been the authors 
and promoters of civil and foreign war ; who, 
being reprefentatives of the people, had been 
found guilty of high treafon ; and, laftly, all 
archbilhops and bilhops, who would not fub- 
mit to the terms offered, fhould be excluded 
from the benefits of the general amnefly, and 
be prohibited the territory of the republic, 
under pain of death or deportation. 

The republican inhabitants were furprifed 
in another way, namely, by fpecial orders, 
which feemed to announce greater attempts : 
the reftoring the religious obfervance of the 
Sunday ; though, by a particular law, the 
officers of government were ftill obliged to 
keep the decades only : — the permiffion to 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 47 

celebrate marriages on any day of the week, 
and no longer on the day of the decade ex- 
clulively : — the feveral regulations concerning 
the duties and funftions of the prefefts of 
police, with refpe6l to their fuperintendance 
of gambling houfes, brothels, and other places 
of infamy, which according to law ftiould 
not be fuffered at all : — the new regulations 
about public fchools, and the printing and 
publifliing of books, by which the liberty of 
the prefs was annihilated: all thefe en- 
croachments on former eflablifhments and 
principles, raifed f'ufpicion and miftruft 
among the true republicans ; nor were thev 
much pleafed when they faw, that the re- 
mains of the Marfhal Turenne were to be de- 
pofited with great folemnity in the temple of 
Mars, at Paris, on the very day when Bona- 
parte was to lay the firft ftone of a monument 
to the memory of the late generals, Deffaix and 
Kleber, who died on the fame day, and at the 
fame hour. It v/as certainly fome confolation 



48 BONAPARTE 

to thefe republicans to find, that the play of 
TartufFe, from Moliere, had been chofen for a 
free night by the managers of the theatre, in 
fpite of the priefts ; for they were in hopes 
that the Firft Conful, who was prefent, would 
take the hint in future, and become more cir- 
eumfpeflt towards the Roman Catholic clergy. 
They relied on it with confidence as it was his 
favorite play : the Cid of Corneille was repre- 
fented at the fame time. The crowd at the 
theatre was prodigious ; every corner and en- 
trance of the houfe were filled, and many 
tvere in danger of being ftifled by the multi- 
tude continually preffing on. This caufed 
many humane and patriotic citizens to ereft a 
temporary building, like the amphitheatres of 
old, where a lading impreffion might be made 
on the public mind, by grand national repre- 
fentations, breathing the fpirit of patriotifm and 
liberty. The views of Bonaparte, however, were 
very different ; and the reader will foon learn in 
what manner thefe republican fea lis were re^^ 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 49 

duced by him to chat kind of amufement, which 
the old court of France formerly ufed to pre- 
pare for the populace. For the prefent, they 
all rejoiced in harmlefs fecurity ; and the 
more fo, as the figning of the preliminaries 
of peace with Auftria was publicly announ- 
ced, by order of government, on that very 
evening, and the articles read to the public 
by the light of torches. Government itfelf 
feemed without fear after witneffing the ge- 
neral fatisfaftion of the people. Soon after, 
. when the difcovery of a plot againft the life 
of the Firft Conful was faid to have been 
made, only Corficans, or Italians, were im- 
plicated. The brother of a man of the name 
of Arena, who had been fufpefted before of 
intending to murder the Firfl Conful, on the 
i8th ^rumaire (fourth of November,) was 
taken up with Cerachi, Topino, Dermerville, 
Diana, and others, and all fent to the Temple. 
Many people doubted indeed the reality of 

fuch a plot, and were of opinion that the in- 
H 



^0 BONAPARTE 

tended murder of Bonaparte on the i8th of 
Vendemiaire (tenth of 06iober,) at the Opera- 
houfe, was nothing but an invention, in order 
to get rid of fome troublefome and fufpefted 
foreignei-s ; but the affair of the infernal ma- 
chine proved the exiftence of a plot againfl 
the life of Bonaparte. He, with the gene- 
ral and adjutants in his coach, efcaped death 
by a kind of miracle. He owed the prefer- 
vation of his life to the drunken courage of 
his coachman, who drove in full gallop 
through the narrow ftreet, when it was block- 
ed up by the cart containing the infernal 
machine, and when there feemed to be no 
poflibility of pafling : the coach had fcarcely 
paffed by, when the machine blew up. By 
the explofion, the houfes near the fpot were 
much damaged; and by the contents of it, chief- 
ly confining of lead and iron, many innocent 
perfons were killed or wounded in the ftreet. 
The Corficans and Italians imprifoned in the 
Temple, and their partifans, were again fuC- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 51 

pefted as the authors of this plot. They were 
now tried on their firfl accufation ; and a 
court which was declared illegal and inad- 
miffible by the prifoners and their counfels, 
paffed fentence of death on Arena, Tapino, 
Lebrund, and Dermerville. 

The adminillration took advantage of this 
opportunity to introduce a law, by which 
it was fully authorifed to order and eflablifh 
fpecial tribunals in the departments, when- 
ever they chofe. 

Thefe tribunals were to be compofed of 
judges and military perfons ; but the Firft 
Conful had the choice and appointment of 
them. They were to decide on all mifde- 
meanors and crimes [crimes -et dilits) for which 
any difhonorable bodily chaflifement might 
be infli£led : — they were to try all perfons 
accufed of theft, burglary, and violence, if 
committed with the affiftance of one or more 
perfons : — they were to take cognizance of 
murder, coining, threats uttered againft the 



52 BONAPARTE 

purchafers of national property, of exceffes 
and affaults committed on them, and of in- 
cendiaries ; and they were to proceed againfl 
all perfons accufed of fecretly engaging 
troops, or of bribing and endeavouring to cor- 
rupt the foldiers and confcripts, or excite them 
to revolt: they were to inquire into all tu- 
mults, and to proceed againfl all perfons taken 
up in the a6t of rioting ; laftly, they were au- 
thorifed to try all thofe perfons who were al- 
ready in prifon on fuch charges. This new 
law, by which government was empowered to 
deprive the accufed citizens of that proteftion 
which the glorious inflitution of juries affords 
to the innocent — by which it was permitted to 
fubjeft them to an abominable court, wholly 
dependent on the arbitrary will of government, 
yet fully authorifed to take cognizance of al- 
mofl every crime ; met with fome refift- 
ance from the tribunate, whofe duty it was to 
guard againfl all arbitrary proceedings, by 
which the fafety of the people might be en- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 53 

dangered. Thirteen orators fpoke againft it, 
forty-one oppofed it by their vote, and it was 
carried only by a majority of eight. 

A counfellor of ftate, in the pay of govern- 
ment and its zealous defender, wrote a pam- 
phlet againft the oppofing members of the 
tribunate, who had dared to check govern- 
ment in its defpotic attempts : he inveighed 
againft them, in the moft outrageous and in- 
decent manner — he expofed them as known 
difturbers of public peace and tranquillitj^, 
and publiftied their names ; but thofe very 
names bore witnefs againft him. 

Bonaparte exprefTed himfelf with acrimony 
on this firft oppofition to his rafli attempts, and 
became fufpefted of having a fhare in thefe 
perfonal indecent attacks. His very exiftence 
had been fhaken by the terrible explofion of the 
inferiial machine : he became quite another 
man, in his public life, Cnce that dreadful 
day : he feemed now to give way to his true 
natural difpofition : his miftruft of the 



54 BONAPARTE 

French nation, whofe charaQ:er is quite the 
reverfe of his own, which he formerly ufed to 
conceal with great care; his early imbibed 
averlion to Frenchmen, which had been 
ftrengthened during the revolution, was in ma- 
ny inflances too glaring. In all his public a61;s, 
he betrayed nothing but a deep knowledge, 
and a careful calculation of the folly and de- 
pravity of this equally unthinking and cruel 
people. His moderation in the fittings of 
council, on which the newfpaper writers, in the 
pay of government, and the fenators of his 
party, never ceafed to pafs their fervile eulo- 
gium, now deferted him intirely. Hitherto he 
had ftudied his men ;. he began now to an- 
nounce his will like a mailer, and to enforce 
obedience. His whole condutl to thofe about 
him was wholly changed; he ufed formerly to 
behave, if not in a popular, at leaft in a friend- 
ly manner, towards military men and artifts ; 
and all thofe who had, at any time, fignalized 
themfelves by their learning. Many of the lat- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 55 

ter had free accefs to him, and were often in- 
vited to dinner. Towards foreigners he had 
been generally civil and hofpitable : there was 
no great formality required for them to be in- 
troduced, and they were often invited into his 
company. The good people took thefe things 
as proofs of a liberal and enlightened mind, 
and of a noble inclination to promote know- 
ledge and morality. 

The depraved charaQer of thofe who fur- 
rounded him, though generally known, was not 
fuflicient to deflroy the good opinion enter- 
tained of him ; on the contrary, when the 
people faw that he promoted the ableft and 
moft honeft men of all ranks and parties, to 
places of importance and truft, they began to 
look on him as a great ftatefman, whofe fupe- 
rior genius led him to avail himfelf of every 
talent, and fo counterbalance the mod immoral 
and diflblute with the virtuous, that they 
were compelled to promote the general good. 
All men hoped for the reconciliation and union 



56 BONAPARTE 

of parties, in order to fecure a free and happy 
conftitution for France; but Bonaparte was 
perhaps endeavouring all along to unhinge 
them, and to refcind all poffibility of effec- 
tual refiftance, by thus intermixing the moft 
incongruous charafters in one body. 

The author of an hiftorical defcription of 
Paris, made on that occafion fome juft re- 
marks. After having noticed fome fcanda- 
lous anecdotes, to the difgrace of many mem- 
bers of adminiflration, which the newfpaper^s 
and journals paffed over in filence, he adds 
the following remarkable words concerning 
Bonaparte : " He that would blame the Firft 
Conful for giving his confidence to fuch men, 
muft certainly be unacquainted with that pitch 
of immorality to which the nation is driven ; 
he muft be ignorant of the impoffibility of 
finding only a fmall number of men, who 
unite an unblemilhed moral chara6i;er with 
great and fuperior talents. This union is 
rarely to be found : and if one of the two can 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 57 

ever be fpared, it is certainly not the poffefTion 
of fuperior talents in thofe who are to rule a 
great empire." 

Bonaparte made it his particular ftudy from 
the beginning, to gain the good opinion of 
all men of genius, certain, that by fecuring 
their voice, he would have the fuffrage of all. 
Being himfelf one of the moft extraordinary 
men, the darling of good fortune, at the head 
of a people, ever prone toexcefs in adulation, 
and proud of their rulers, it was no wonder 
that fulfome praifes and exultations refounded 
from all quarters. Foreigners, taking th© 
newfpapers and journals as the general in- 
terpreters of public opiniori, were often led to 
think the enthufiafm for Bonaparte was uni- 
verfal ; but a ftiort refidence at Paris, and 
the vifiting public places of refort, or mixed 
focieties, would foon convince them of then- 
error. Bonaparte is by no means popular. — 
He is cold and referved — ^he knows not how- 
to infpire affeaion ; a formal, carefully regu^ 
I 



58 BONAPARTE 

lated deference and refpe£t are ftiewn him : 
and he ftands the more firm on that very ac- 
count. He is not one of thofe idols raifed by 
the voice of the people, commonly trampled 
upon with as little and as unexpected ceremo- 
ny, as when firft raifed to unlimited power : he 
owes his rife to himfelf alone, and appears, for 
that very reafon, to the multitude, as a fupe- 
rior being. The exceflive authority of which he 
is poffefled, banilhes all familiarity even from 
thofe who are next to him in power. He has 
few enemies, an immenfe number of partizans, 
and hardly a lingle friend. There is no caufe 
at prefent by which the enthufiafm of the 
people can poffibly be raifed. None of the 
prrties can be faid to rule; none of them are 
fuppreffed : they are mixed one with another 
in fuch a manner, that it is difficult to decide 
which of them enjoys the greatefl influence ; 
he therefore does not confider himfelf de- 
pendent on their will. The principal leaders 
of the jacobin party have received a bribe 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 59 

from government, and have deferted their 
flock : their generals have changed lides — 
General Jourdan, in Piedmont, Fouche, the 
Minifter of Police at Paris, and Dubois, arc 
living proofs of this aflertion. The whole 
party is torn afunder, and will fcarcely ever 
be able to re-eftablifli itfelf. Many of the 
royalifts have degraded themfelves by accept- 
ing offices under the prefent government, 
though in their heart they defpife the Cor- 
fican. Without any preteniions to nobility, he 
has dared to appropriate to himfelf the honors 
appertaining to noble defcent only, and now 
gives himfelf the airs of a monarch on a 
throne, which could only be filled in a digni- 
fied manner by the defcendants of royal an- 
cellors. They conceal their inward convic- 
tion ; and incurable of their vain hopes, they 
look upon every thing, and every proceeding, 
as a preparatory ftep to realife a grand general 
plan, drawn up and fecretly purfued by Bona- 
parte himfelf, in order that he may one day 



6© BONAPARTE 

be able to reftore France to her lawful fove- 
reign, and to reinftate every thing, and parti- 
cularly the nobility into their former dignities. 
The fmall party of the republicans have at laft 
been cured of their illufory hope of infpiring 
the nation with a true republican fpirit; 
they relax more and more in their demands 
from their government, and judge with in- 
dulgence, without being much offended at the 
re-introdu61;ion of court etiquette, the cring- 
ing fubmiffion of the new made courtiers to 
their mailers, and their infolence to others. 
The group of thofe who look in general on 
all conftitutions with indifference, and only 
judge of events by their refults, comparativot. 
ly find no great matter of complaint, and en- 
joy a tranquillity unknown to them for a long 
feries of years. The inftitution of prefe6ls in 
the departments, was of great benefit at firlij 
the members of the executive power through- 
out the republic, fhewed an unanimous zeal to 
promote the general quiet. The prefers and 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 61 

under-prefe6ls of feveral departments vied 
with each other in the ftrid performance of 
their duty. The taxes were regularly paid, 
and fome departments were even able to dif- 
charge their arrears. It would be folly to de- 
clare the finances of France to have been 
in a profperous flate, but it mufl be owned 
that a temporary Hop was put to their fur- 
ther decline. 

They were at this period fo flourifhing, 
fchat the expences of the republic could be 
defrayed without a loan : they even begun to 
difcharge the arrears in penlions and pay- 
ment of the troops. The army, efpecially 
that of Moreau, was well provided; the pro- 
feffion of a foldier was again looked upon as 
honorable; defertionsin the interior of France 
were lefs frequent,*^ and the railing of recruits 
and confcripts more eafily elFe6led. Such 
was the flate of France. Bonaparte now felt 
himfelf fecure ; he had no further need of 
that air of moderation and generofity, which, 



fi2 BONAPARTE 

contrary to his natural charafter, he had hi- 
therto affefted. One x'iolent meafure, flriking 
the minds of all, and filling them with terror, 
by which the ftate was about to be freed of 
feveral monfters, the notorious inllruments of 
all the crimes perpetrated during the revo- 
lution, whole exiftence was incompatible 
with the public peace and fecurity of go- 
vernment, appeared at this time expedient 
to be adopted by Bonaparte. 

In fpite of the oppofition which his propo- 
fal for a general deportation of all doubtful 
perfons in France, met with in the Senate, 
five and twenty votes being againft the mea- 
fure, it was decreed at once to deport one 
hundred and thirty French citizens who were 
thought dangerous. The confervative Senate, 
where Sieyes very zealoufly ftrove to promote 
this defpotic refolution, declared it by a fpe- 
cial vote, to be a confervative meafure of the 
conftitution, (une mefure confervative de H 
conftitution.) 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 63 

A tranquil obferver of the French revolu- 
tion, made at that period the following re- 
mark on this arbitrary proceeding : *• It is 
ever (faid he) a great misfortune when a 
government is compelled to depart from ef- 
tablifhed forms of adminiftering juftice, in 
order to bring fome of the citizens to punifli- 
ment. It may be urged, that they are but 
forms, which ought to be reforted to for the 
fake of public peace, yet the, obfervance of 
them, Hands in fo clofe a connexion 
with the poffibility of adminiftering impartial 
juflice, that government, whenever it may 
find it necelTary to depart from them, ought 
mOil; fcrupuloufly to limit the new arbitrary 
mode, and thus Ihew refpeft for eftablifhed 
laws." 

In this view, many very reafonable ob- 
je6lions might be made againft the decree of 
deportation, particularly againft the applica- 
tion of it to individuals, on the ground of , 
notoriety alone. This decree does not fpecify 



64 BONAPARTE 

the crimes of which every one of the pro- 
fcribed citizens has been guilty. There are 
thoufands of Frenchmen, who have committed 
many follies in the time of revolutionary mad- 
nefs ; but as long as no clear definition of that 
crime is given, of which deportation is to be 
the punifhment, none of all thefe men can 
think themfelves fafe. The mofl confummate 
villain is no more liable to it than the citizen, 
to whofe charge nothing elfe but unguarded 
expreffions can be laid ; and who knows not 
whether his name has been put on the lift by 
a fecret enemy, or by perfons infefted with 
party fpirit, who cannot be confidered as fair 
judges of human aftions. If no common 
jury or court of juftice fhould decide on thefe 
matters — if no formal procefs could previoufly 
be inftituted, a fpecial jury, compofed at leaft 
of members of the confervative fenate, might 
perhaps have been appointed, in order to afcer- 
tain the exiftence of the crime, inftead of pafs- 
ing fentence without inquiry on the ground of 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 6s 

notoriety alone. Thus would the fears of the 
well meaning have been removed, and govern- 
ment have been abfolved of cruelty and in- 
juftice. 

In the mean time, in order to ftrengthen 
the impreffion, two Frenchmen, convicted of 
having been the makers of the infernal 
machine, were publicly executed. Bonaparte 
now adopted feveral meafures, which betrayed 
anxious fear for his perfonal fecurity. His 
confular guard, which had been eftablifhed 
from the beginning of his confulate, and all 
military guards, under whofe proteftion he 
ufed to appear in public. His caufing him^ 
felf to be furrounded in fuch a manner, that 
the moft undaunted, who might hazard their 
own lives to rid the world of this ufurper, 
fliould find it impoffible to approach him, de- 
generated into a perfe6l manoeuvre and became 
a new branch of military art. He has never 
fmce appeared abroad, without thefe additional 
precautions of fecurity. This dreadful cataf- 
K 



66 BONAPARTE 

trophe, furnifhed him with a pretext for 
changing his mode of living, which had 
formerly been more liberal. Though difagree- 
able to him, he chiefly confined himfelf within 
the circle of his family, attended by his guards. 
Malmaifon, a fmall country feat, belonging to 
his wife, but wholly ifolated, and, on that 
account, the more eafily defended, had often 
been the place of his refidence ; he alfo 
occafionally refided at the palace of the 
Thuilleries, which he had entered with great 
folemnity, foon after his being made conful ; 
every corner being filled with his confuiar 
guards. For fome time paft he had lived 
almoft exclufively at Malmaifon, where he 
introduced a fl:ri6l court etiquette, which 
rendered him abfolutely invifible to all perfons 
whom he did not know to be entirely devoted 
to him. Very few of thofe learned men and 
artifts, formerly admitted in great numbers 
into his prefence and family, were now per- 
mitted to approach him : the only perfons to 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 67 

whom this favour was continued, were grovel- 
ing creatures, on whofe flavifh fubmiffion he 
could depend ; and they were foon thrown 
back into the proper diftance between maf- 
ter and fervants. 

This new mode of living, feemed to pleafe 
the foreign powers more than the former, 
which was approved, and better liked by the 
people. Some ambaffadors, enemies to the 
French republic, endeavoured at leaft to make 
Bonaparte and his family, who aimed at roy- 
al authority, believe fo ; and they took great 
pains to convince him, that the reftoration 
of the magnificence and fplendour of the 
ancient court, would greatly contribute to 
the re-eftablilhment of a friendly connexion 
between their matters and the Firft Conful. 

The fplendid vidlories of Moreau at that 
period, were, indeed, the real caufe of the 
friendly difpolition, by which almoft all the 
courts of Europe furprifed him fo unex- 
peftedly. 



68 BONAPARTE 

The negotiations with Auflria, which had 
been broken off, were now renewed, and the 
treaty of peace fo advantageous for France, 
was figned at Luneville, at the expence of 
the German empire, on the 19th of Febru- 
ary, 1801, by the Count Cobentzel and 
Jofeph Bonaparte. 

This peace was proclaimed in the principal 
fquares and public places, without any fplen- 
did preparation. It was received by the people 
with an unexpefted coolnefs and indifference; 
no joyful exclamations of " Vive la repu- 
blique !" or " Vive Bonaparte," were heard. 
Roederer, the pliant counfellor of ftate, in 
his flattering account of the occurrences, 
during the fecond year of Bonaparte's con- 
fulate, notices this coolnefs of the people in 
the following words : 

*' When France received the news of the 
peace, ftie calmly manifefted her joy^ which 
did her more honor than noify and tumultu- 
ous exultation; which, with its impotence, 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 69 

and want of decency in outward form, is the 
joy of favages — the joy of the rabble in ci- 
viHzed ftates, when either an unexpected feaft 
is given, fome imminent danger removed, or 
an end is put to hardlhips long endured. Every 
impartial obferver, who has witnejBTed the be- 
haviour of the inhabitants of Paris, and of all 
France, at public places and national folemni- 
ties, for the two lafl years, muft acknowledge 
that the French are no longer a rabble, but a 
rational people. No longer is the army com- 
pofed of a brutal foldiery, but orderly, mili- 
tary men. This is one of the happy efFefIs of 
equality, as by it every Frenchman is entitled 
to be admitted to all public places of amufe- 
ment, which he finds no inftigation to difturb. 
Every perfon may entertain the hope of being 
raifed to the higheft dignities, he therefore 
values himfelf too much to be guilty of any 
excefs. France had nothing to fear from the 
continuation of the war, which was carried on 
under the command of the moft experienced 



70 BONAPARTE 

generals : confident of her being able to make 
peace, whenever it might be conliftent with 
honor, fhe had therefore no reafon to wonder. 
The great news of peace cannot be received 
with a tumultuous joy by a nation which 
knows its own ftrength : the plealing intelli- 
gence is expefted, and is therefore received 
with inward fatisfaclion alone. Such was the 
fenfation when the treaty of Luneville was 
announced," 

The bell anfwer to this artful and unfaii: 
conflru6lion is, thafc the people behaving in 
this manner were neither Dutchmen nor 
Americans, but the very fame who, at the 
return of Bonaparte fix months before^ had 
proved themfelves true Frenchmen. It was 
too clearly feen, that the explofion of the 
infernal machine, by which the mighty ruler 
had been frightened back into the innermoft 
of his palace, had alfo ftruck the people with 
panic ; and while the malk of the one now 
fell, the illufion of the latter ceafed likewife. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 71 

Other treaties of peace with Naples, Por- 
tugal, and feveral German princes, to whom 
the Emperor had left the talk to treat for 
themfelves, followed. 

Lucien Bonaparte negotiated the peace 
with Portugal, in Spain ; though he did not 
entirely realize the views of the Firft Conful, 
he certainly fliewed great dexterity in confult- 
ing his own intereft. He returned with a 
capital of thirteen millions of livres, the price 
of his having made a Spanifh prince King of 
Etruria, and of having forced the Grand Duke 
of Tufcany to cede his rich Florentine poffef- 
fion to the new king. Jofeph Bonaparte alfo 
took good care of himfelf, hy exafting from 
fome of the princ.es of Germany, a certain 
fum, for the partition of their territory : his 
brother added a prefent to it. 

Bonaparte had in the former year figned 
on his part a convention with the Americans, 
from which, other powers might, if they pleaf- 
ed, have learned this leflbn — that the firm. 



72 BONAPARTE 

noble, and decent condu£l of a nation, feeling 

rtfelf independent, would make a better im- 

preffion on a chara6ler like Bonaparte, than 

the fubmiffive, cringing behaviour of their 

ambafladors. 

On the 14th of July, the very day which 
had been hailed for twelve years as a day of 
liberty, and of the defl;ru6lion of the Baftile, 
peace was celebrated ; not in the extenfive 
champ de mars, where all republican feafts had 
been given fince the grand anniverfary of the 
confederation, but in the elyfian fields, where 
the people had been often entertained in the 
times of royal France. 

The whole management of this feftival of 
peace bore a ftriking refemblance to the 
feafts given by the old court to the Parifians. 
In the room of the lofty temple of liberty in 
the field of mars, where religious, judiciary, 
and military folemnities made an awful im- 
preffion on the mind, there was to be feen a 
pretty, glittering, little kind of illuminated 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 7$ 

rotunda, built of wood, in which a number of 
fiddlers were fcraping away, exaftly as in the 
days of the old court, on the anniverfary of 
St. Louis. Inftead of prize-fighting, grand 
races, and combats in the Roman ftyle, in 
which every republican of note or property 
formerly ufed to take a fhare, there were to 
be feen, as in the good old times, a number of 
little fcaffolds for tumblers, ropedancers, har- 
lequins, pantaloons, fcaramouchers, &c. Fran-^ 
coni, with his troop, had alfo places ailigned, 
for feats of horfemanfliip and pantomimes. 
Garnerin rofe with his balloon ; and a mat de 
I'ocagne was erefled, greafed all over, intends 
ed to be climbed on, and hung with hams and 
faufages for the greedy rabble. Places for 
dancing were likewife appointed ; in Ihort, 
there was every thing to amufe an idle people, 
fond of merriment ; and yet the people did 
not dance much. They were neither noify 
nor much difpofed for mirth ; it was, indeed, 
a very compofed and decent rejoicing. 

L 



74 BONAPARTEi 

Bonaparte and his family did not take any 
notice of thefe little amufements : but he 
went the night before to the Theatre Fran- 
9ois, in his grand confular drefs, furrounded 
by a numerous and fplendid military guard. 
The people were admitted gratis to fee the 
play. All the other theatres in Paris were like- 
wife open, to which every one had free admif- 
fion; but none of them thought proper to 
reprefent a play, or to give an entertainment, 
in allufion to the peace, or the maker of it, 
though they had all been very bufy to that 
effefl;, after his return from Marengo. Mr. 
Roederer mis[ht have difcovered here additional 
proof of the dijcretion, the delicacy, and the 
improved charaBer of the French, and their ra- 
pid ftrides towards cofmopolitic perfeflion. 

Bonaparte fet little value upon thefe new 
principles ; and he manifeiled it beyond a 
doubt, by his new treaties with the Algerines 
and Tunis-law pirates. He had the dexterity 
to appeafe the Emperor Paul, who was then 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 75 

arming againft him, by a ftudied mark of at- 
tention. He fent him feven thoufand Ruffian 
prifoners of war, who had already been recon- 
ciled with their lituation in France, new 
clothed, and completely armed, without any 
rari'fom; and Paul figned the peace with 
France on the 8th of 06lober, 1801. 

Great Britain having been refilled in its 
claims by the armed neutrality of the northern 
powers, found itfelf now ifolated, and turned 
its thoughts to peace. The French alTented 
to the evacuation of Egypt ; and England, 
preffed by interior diffatisfaftion and fears, 
fubmitted to very difadvantageous terms. 

A formal treaty of peace with the Turks 
was alfo ligned about this time. 

After having fettled the external aflPairs in 
this manner, it was thought expedient to pro- 
ceed farther. The prefe6ls, under-prefe6i:s, 
and juftices of peace, the latter having been 
reduced from fix thoufand to three thoufand, 
were- aftively employed in re-eflablifhing 



rs • BONAPARTE 

public order, affifted by new organized corps 
at Gensdarmes, who were deftined to do the 
tluty of the ancient marichavjjk, under the 
authority of the new fpecial tribunals. But 
fome journalifts and newfpaper-writers, with 
their partisans, under the pay and prote6lion 
of government, endeavoured principally to 
prepare the minds of the people to the reftora- 
tion of the Roman Catholic religion. A very 
clever, but ill-famed abbe, named GeofFroy, 
had the dire6lion of the journal called Jour- 
nal des dibats ; of which an immoife number 
of copies were printed, and circulated all over 
France. By an artful, well-devifed, and mali- 
cious vein of witticifm, he fucceeded in 
rendering all the attempts to improve man- 
kind fufpicious and contemptible, which the 
greatefl geniufes of France had made during 
the latter part of the laft century. He main- 
tained that the objefts which thefe men had 
defignedly, and knowingly purfued, had ef- 
fe6led nothing but the fubverfion and anniHila^^- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 77 

tion of all good morality, of all religion, of 
all refpe£t towards government, and the de- 
llru6lion of all the ties of fociety. His viru- 
lence was chiefly directed againft Voltaire 
and RouJQTeau. Thefe two men, who never 
ceafed to attack each other ; of whom it may 
be faid, that they never agreed in any fmgle 
point ; were portrayed by him- as two equally 
wicked traitors, animated hy the fame defign 
— namely, the overthrow and deftru6lion of 
the French nation ; and were damned to all 
eternity. He betrayed too foon, that he had 
only taken up arms through bigotry, and in 
defence of defpotifm; to which thefe two 
men had never been very friendly. La Harpe, 
after having outlived himfelf too foon ; after 
having been, in former times, and to the laft 
year of the revolution, the moil zealous de- 
fender, and moft enthufiaftic eulogift of his 
teacher and friend, Voltaire, now joined the 
pious band of royal pious Roman catholic 
dealers in damnation, and unmercifully con- 



7B BONAPARTE 

demned the old witty and arch firmer to 
eternal flames. Though he moil probably did 
not fucceed in bis charitable wifhes, he gained, 
however, forae new readers of his fallen mercu- 
ry at France, and made it fell a little better. 

Beurrier, and fome other of his caft, 
preached and publilhed fermons, to the 
edification and converfion of all poor 
fouls, infe6led by the doftrines of what was 
termed philofophy ; and the lives of the faints, 
abounding with popifh and prieftly exhorta- 
tions, fupplanted the well-written memoirs 
and biographies of ftatesmen, heroes, and 
philofophers, who had merited well of their 
country. One cannot help fmiling, at the 
fame time one truly pities thefe hypocritical 
fanatics, in obferving what they pretend to 
call philofophers and philofophy. 

They do not mean a Defcartes, a Male- 
branche, a Bayle, and fuch great men, when 
they declare war againft their philofophers; 
they mean, on they contrary, all thofe eloquent 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 79 

and clever writers, who were men of letters 
and men of the world, who at the fame tima 
had courage enough to expofe to the deceived 
multitude the folly and abfurdities of their 
leaders, and to caution them againfl: deceitful 
glitterings and dark lanterns, by which they 
were dazzled : they mean all thofe men who 
thought mankind capable of improvement, 
and deferving a better fate, and who were in 
hopes to find out the right path that leads to 
facred truth ; who wifhed to raife the looks of 
mankind to heaven, and fublime objedls, in- 
ftead of fettering them down to the earth, 
and yoking them like beafts of burden. In 
fliort, every man of good fenfe, of real fellow- 
feeling and of humanity, who raifed his voice 
againft the crafty and political tyranny of 
priefthood, was called by them a philofopher; 
and they hoped to brand his name with infamy, 
by fuch an appellation-poor miferable beings ! 
Chateaubriand's genius borrowed fome new 
ornaments and gaudy drapery from the Eaft, 



so BONAPARTE 

to enliven Chriftianity, after its long death-like 
flumber. He went fo far as to fuppofe the 
Chriftian religion, endued with an innate 
perfe6libility, capable of attaining the higher 
requifites of art and claffical beauty ; fanatics 
devoid of mind, and hypocrites, followed his 
example. One cannot help pitying the mife- 
rable produ61;ions advertifed in all the French 
journals and literary catalogues — books long 
ago rejefted and treated with contempt by 
enlightened Europe. 

The political ceconomift, Roederer, has alfo 
fome concern in this bufinefs, and does the 
Chriftian religion and the holy city of Rome a 
great honor, by reprefenting it as a mere fup- 
plement to paternal authority and public legif- 
lation. He dwells befides on the many ad- 
vantages which Rome, ftill in his opinion, the 
queen of the world, may procure for Roman 
catholic nations, towards whom fhe is favour- 
ably inclined ; he notices the great mifchiefs 
which they may do to refra61;ory ftates ; he in- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. SI 

fifts on the averfion which foreign powers 
will always feel from a people without priefts 
and without altars, in order to make them 
bend under the Popifh yoke. 

All thefe apologifts, though they conti- 
nually and unanimoully praife the French, as 
the moft amiable, moft civilized, moft enlight- 
ened, moft tender, and moft refpe£table 
people, treat them, at the fame time, like the 
moft abje£l rabble, whom the whip and the 
gallows can fcarcely keep in order ; from this 
they urge the neceflity of maintaining the 
only faving catholic faith. They unanimoully 
affert, that the French had no other defire for 
the laft ten years, than to have their priefts 
reftored to them, though every one knows 
that they drove them out of the country as 
foon as they had broken their chains afunder, 
and either butchered or drowned fuch as would 
not fly ; neverthelefs, they fo often repeat this, 
that the French themfelves muft at laft believe 

it : fome of their neighbours certainly will not 
M 



83 BONAPARTE n 

doubt it. But impartial men, and the friends 
of truth, will fee and fpeak otherwife : — This 
has been the cafe with la Vendee, which in- 
cluded provinces diftinguifhed for feveral 
centuries paft from the reft of France, by their 
manner of thinking and the cuftoms of theh' 
inhabitants. The royalifts (that is of la Vendee, 
a term applied only to noblemen and poffef- 
fors of eftates) were fully fatisfied with the 
antient government: and when the hateful 
innovation of the revolution was attempted to 
be introduced, they had the prudence inftantly 
to draw the lower clafs of people into their in- 
tereft, and to transform their refiftance into a 
religious war ; but this was not the cafe v^ith 
the reft of France. Hypocrites and fanatics, 
anxious to prove the general defire of the 
people, and the neceffity of reftoring the 
Roman catholic religion, had recourfe for a 
precedent tp the hiftory of La Vendee, where 
they certainly found fomething in their favor ; 
yet La Vendee would not, moft probably, have 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 85 

been tranquilifed fo foon, if the emiflaries of 
Bonaparte had not made them the fame pro- 
mifes of a final reftoration of their king, as 
they did about the re-eflabHfhment of the 
Roman catholic religion. The Vendeans 
would not have remained fo quiet, if Bonaparte 
and his generals had not taken more powerful 
and uniform meafures to keep that part of La 
Vendee under control, which had not been 
included in the treaty of peace. Like their 
predeceffors, who generally made peace in 
order to gain time, and to gather ftrength, 
they would have broken it. 

The French government, if it really in- 
tended to eftablifli that religion, which the 
people moft wanted and demanded, as it was 
pretended, ought to have tolerated alike all 
different profeffions of faith, in order to give 
the citizens the opportunity of a fair trial. 
They fliould have begun with the general re- 
form of public inftruQ;ion, and, after having 
attended to its effefts, or rather its firft im- 



S4 BONAPARTE 

preflions, operating in favor of religion and 
morality, under the attentive vigilance of 
10,000 mayors, 3000 juftices of peace, 100 
prefe6ls, 400 under-prefefts, with their coun- 
fellors, and a corps of well-organifed genf- 
d'armes, belides numberlefs fpecial tribunals : 
they might afterwards have propofed to re-ef- 
tablifh the Roman Catholic faith. But Bona- 
parte, being a true Italian, full of deep and 
darkdefigns, always confulting his own inter- 
eft, and fecretly purfuing his end, preferred 
the policy of the ancient defpotifm : and in- 
troduced, with other new regulations for his 
ownperfonal fecurity, this fpiritualone; con- 
vinced that the whole hoft of monks and priefts 
and the many Roman Catholic courts, and 
fpecial tribunals, inftituted for the benefit of 
poor Chriftian fouls, would as ufual readily 
concur in promoting his views. 

A national fynod was convened, under the 
aufpices of government, to difcufs the means ^ 
of reftoring the Galiican church, which had 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 85 

often given great ofFence to the Papal chair. 
' Bonaparte negotiated with the Pope, who had 
not been a little terrified by him. The con- 
fequence of this negociation was the famous 
concordat, by which, in fa6l, no party was 
fatisfied. The Pope declared in a conclave, 
after having created four French cardinals 
from mere gratitude, that much had been pro- 
mifed him by the Firft Conful, and that the 
creation of the four French cardinals would 
undoubtedly contribute greatly to promote 
the Catholic perfuafion in France, and pacify 
his Roman friends. 

Though Portalis and Rosderer took great 
pains to prove the equality of right to all re- 
ligious opinions, it cannot be denied that the 
concordat, as far as it has been made public, 
paves the way for the exclufive exercife of 
the Roman Catholic faith. The Firft Conful 
muft of neceffity be one of its followers. 
The very numerous Roman clergy is fupported 
and penfionedby government, without e:Ecep- 



86 BONAPARTE 

tion, whilft the Proteftant clergy are left un- 
provided for; their fuperior only receiving a 
fmall ftipend from the ftate. Indeed the pen- 
iions of the clergy have not yet been paid, 
even for the firfl year; yet the Catholic priefts 
an the departments have already begun to fpeak 
in the high ftrain of former times ; they ty- 
rannize over the common people, and parti- 
cularly influence the minds of the purchafers 
of national property; they afTert that every 
Gouple married by a conftitutional prieft, and 
every child ehriflened by any of them, muft 
be married and chriftened anew ; they con- 
fecrate all churches again that have been pro- 
faned, as they term it, by conftitutional priefls : 
this point once fettled, Bonaparte may perhaps 
difcover with whom he has to deal. If their 
payments fhould be kept back, which, on ac- 
count of the expences of the prefent war with 
England, is but too likely, Bonaparte may 
learn, that the very inftruments he meant to 
ufe againfl the people, may alfo be employed 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 87 

againft himfelf. If the famous fpiritual ruler, 
and earthly prince, who has undoubtedly kept 
an account of the laft fourteen years, has once 
fettled all his fpiritual and temporal friends in 
the land of promife, there may happily ftill re- 
main one unfortunate anointed head to be pro- 
vided for, whom all thofe friends will undoubt- 
edly be ready to ferve and aflift, in preference 
to the fortunate foldier. Bonaparte may then, 
too late, be convinced of his error. He may at- 
tempt to redrefs it, and retrieve his folly; but 
he mull recollect, that very few men can. 
fafely retreat after having daringly advanced ; 
at leaft, there is no probability that he will 
make an exception, as he has forcibly feized 
the helm, and with undaunted boldnefs fleered 
the courfe of 30 millions of individuals. 

The affertion of a general wifh of the na- 
tion for the re-eflabiifhment of the Catholic 
religion and its abfolute necellity, was re- 
peated at the fame time as that regarding the 
public inftruftion of youth. Chaptal, the 



88 ' BONAPARTE 

minifter, who is confidered in foreign coun- 
tries as a man of a liberal and enlightened 
mind, begins his circular letter to the depart- 
ments and their prefe£ls, in the following 
words, of whom he requires a correal return 
of the number and nature of public fchools : 
*' Depuis dix ans on reclame de toutes parts 
le retabliffement de ces colleges oii une jeu- 
neffe nombreufe trouvait une inflru6lion fa- 
cile et fuffifante." * 

Jinguenet makes a pointed reply to this in 
his Decadp Philofophique : " I know nothing 
of a general wifh for the re-eftablifhmentof the 
old fchools, (fays he,) but I know that the 
mode of inftru6lion in thofe fchools has been 
neither eafy nor fufficient." 

" Eight or nine years were fpent, teaching 
latin onjy ; neither hiftory, geography, na- 
tural philofophy, drawing, nor any other ufe- 



* For thefe ten years paft, the re-eftabliftment of thofe colleges 
has been loudly called for on all fides, in which a great number of 
young men have eafily acquired a fuflBcient degree of knowledge. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 89 

ful ftudy, made a part of public inflruflion. 
Of two years affigned afterwards to the ftudy 
of philofophy, the one was loft in the dry 
purfuit of a fatiguing and moft confufed fyf- 
tem of metaphylics — the other in a courfe of 
mathematical leftures, by no means fufficient. 
The education and inftru6tion of youth were 
in the hands of monks and priefts, who took 
great pains to make them monks, abbes, and 
devotees ; but never thought of rendering 
them brilliant or ufeful members of fociety," 
This applied with great truth to the former 
fchools ; and much might be (aid on this head. 
The ignorance of the whole French nation, as 
to their fundamental laws, concerning the ad- 
miniftration of juftice, their rights and pub- 
lic duties, their fcanty knowledge of the geo- 
graphy and hiftory of their own and other 
countries, was the refult of fuch innovations 
under fuch teachers: even the revolution may 
be partly attributed to this. The ftupidity, the 

immorality, and the arrogance of the monks 

N 



; 



90 BONAPARTE 

and priefts, to whom the public education was 
confided, had filled the French with difguft 
and contempt for their teachers ; they natural- 
ly looked out for better inftru£tors. To fuch 
a degree was a very effential part of their edu- 
cation negle6ted, that, with the exception of 
the higher claffes, and the mercantile part of 
the nation, fcarcely a Frenchman could be 
found who could write a good hand, or knew 
any thing of figures; this volatile people, 
devoid of all the powers of cool and found 
judgment, thronged under the banners of 
mad, or infidious, cunning leaders, in hopes 
of bettering their fate ; and afcribed to their 
inftigators all the crimes and horrors which 
have fo fhamefully difgraced the French re- 
volution. The recalling and reinftating of 
thefe teachers can therefore be of no benefit 
whatever; it will certainly lead back to the 
former flate of ignorance ; but as experience 
has taught us, it will not prevent the attempts 
of a new revolution. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 91 

Bruim, of Strafburg, a man of claflical eru- 
dition, and of the beft intentions, urged the 
neceflity of a liberal plan of inllru61:ion for 
youth. He particularly inveighed againft the 
infinuations of all the friends of ignorance ; 
but he flood alone. All thofe who lived 
near court, who could fee with their own eyes, 
and form a right judgment of Bonaparte and 
his miniflers, without needing the praifes of 
hired, lying, or frightened newspaper writers 
and journalifts, had loft the courage to tell 
the truth. They were fenfible that Bonaparte 
had received his education from priefts, and 
had been taught nothing but latin and ma- 
thematics : they knew him to be an enemy to 
all liberal plans of inftruflion ; they were 
not ignorant, that all the high-founding pro- 
clamations of government, and all the new 
eftabliftied focieties for the improvement of 
public education, were nothing elfe but a fhow 
and a juggle to impofe upon the filly French 
people, who are eafily duped by pompous 



92 BONAPARTE 

words, fair promifes, or grand extenlive pre- 
parations ; and in their joy, generally lofe 
light of the real obje£t in view. 

The mofl worthy men of France, amongft 
whom Cluvier may rank the firft, had long 
fince turned their thoughts to the drawing up 
a plan of education worthy of the 19th cen- 
tury ; but as it will be feen hereafter, one 
lingle ftroke of the pen of Bonaparte annihi- 
lated it altogether. 

Diftant northern countries, whofe inhabi- 
tants are looked upon as barbarians, by all 
children of ignorance, know better how to 
profit by the liberal hints given by men to 
whom France owed its fame in learning. The 
bright fun of erudition no longer rifes exclu- 
fively in the Eaft, nor fets in the Weft. Bo- 
naparte, who might have fhone in the annals 
of hiftory, like another Eaftern Alexander, 
may perhaps be doomed by impartial pofte- 
rity, and the records of truth, to nightly 
fliade and total darknefs ; when the Northern 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. >3 

Alexander ftands high in the regions of meri- 
dian fplendor and true greatnefs. 

The dehberations on the new code of laws, 
offered a frefh opportunity of unravelling the 
chara6ler and views of Bonaparte. It had 
been made public, and met with approbation, 
having been drawn up by the mod efteemed 
legiflators. Some of the firft lawyers of France 
had added notes to it ; the courts of appella- 
tion and the tribunal of caflation had alfo 
examined it, and made fome additions. Every 
thing was prepared for its introduftion : it was 
fubmitted to the decifion of the council of 
ftate, where a difcuflion took place ; the re- 
port of which was printed for the ufe of the 
public, and the council of flate at laft drew 
up thefe laws, which were afterwards to be 
difcuffed in the legiflative body and the tri- 
bunate. Thefe two bodies were now daring 
enough to oppofe, in the prefence of the con- 
feils, fome of the^e laws as inexpedient, ob- 
fcure, and prejuc cial to the fafety of the 



941 ' BONAPARTE 

citizens. Government, much hurt at this op- 
polition, withdrew in confequence the newly 
propofed laws, in flrange and rather angry- 
terms. A fpecial meflage plainly announced 
to them that government faw itfelf compelled 
to withdraw them, though they had been de- 
manded and anxioufly expefted by the 
people, obferving that the time for quiet de- 
liberation and harmony had not yet arrived. 

Bonaparte took a very fimple meafure to 
prevent any oppofition in future, or rather to 
avoid all llrong difcuffion : he, without any 
ceremony, propofed to the fenate to turn out 
all members from thefe two bodies, who had 
fignalized themfelves by ufing too much 
liberty in their fpeeches, as foon as the 
time for the annual going out of one-fifth 
Ihould arrive. A fpecial lift of all mem- 
bers oflPenfive to government was made out, 
and the cleanfing of the two ftate bodies, 
as they called it, took place according to the 
fupreme will and pleafure of government. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 95 

Twenty members of the tribunate, and fixty 
members of the legiflative body were eje6ted 
and replaced by other men more pleafing 
to the Firfl Conful. By the conftitution ic 
was certainly ordered, that all members indif- 
criminately fhould draw lifts at the going out 
of one-fifth part, but this law was fet alide 
for weighty reafons no doubt. 

Roederer, the counfellor of ftate, thought 
proper in his Journal of Paris, to call their laft 
oppofition indecent, unreafonahle, fufpicious, 
and untimely. He declared every oppofi- 
tion inadmiflible, but that which was out- 
voted by a conftant majority of minifterial 
members : fenfible and impartial men, to their 
great aftonifhment, now learned for the firfl 
time, that an oppofition fhould partly exift in 
France : yet the auk ward and unfair manner 
in which this fervile hireling contrafted thefe 
difcuffions of the tribunate and legiflative 
body, with the oppofitions in the Britifh par- 
liament, ihewed clearly, that he did not, or 



96 BONAPARTE 

rather would not underftand the true fenfe 

of the term. 

An acute writer made fome notes to Roede- 
rer's pamphlet, and proved that no real oppo- 
fition could exift at all in France. The pro- 
pofing of new laws, (fays he) is according to 
the prefent conftitution, the exclulive right of 
government; the council of ftate in which the 
Firfl; Conful, or one of his colleagues prefides, 
which is appointed by the Firfl Conful himfelf, 
and refponfible to him, is charged to deliberate 
on the means of the execution of the laws, 
. and only on the propriety of new ones. But 
the tribunate, free from all influence, is bound 
to watch over the rights of the people, to ex- 
pofe all abufes, and to decide on the merits 
or demerits of all laws propofed. The legif- 
lative body is the final refort, and its vote is 
decifive. But why thefe two lafl bodies, if 
none of the members Ihall have the power to 
withhold their^ aflent to the meafures of go- 
vernment as Mr. Roederer defires ? Why a 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 97 

tribunate at all ? Rosderer thinks they may 
flill fpeak, in order to inform government 
of Ihe voice and wifhes of the people. 
He fuppofes that men will take the trou- 
ble of finding out and making obje£lions, 
which nobody cares for, becaufe he is not 
compelled to anfwer them : he alfo ima- 
gines that the public prints will indeed faith- 
fully detail thefe fpeeches. If Bonaparte 
will grant, to newspaper writers, the privilege 
of publifhing obje6lions made to the meafures 
of government, he has no need of a clafs of 
men in the tribunate, who may certainly fpeak . 
if they chufe, but who dare not oppofe. The 
publilhers of newspapers will find oppofition 
matter for themfelves : and the public may 
fave 1,200,000 livres, ^hich are annually 
paid to the members of the tribunate. Why 
the farce of a fpecial orator for each of the 
legiflative bodies, as they are in the beft un- 
derftanding, and in perfe6l harmony with go- 
vernment, always praifing and extolling it to 

the Ikies? Why this legiflative body itfelf, 
o 



98 BONAPARTE 

if they intend hereafter to make it an afylum 
for all the poor unhappy wretches, whom 
Abbe Sicard* could not by any means 
enable to gain their daily bread by ufeful la- 
bour? It is all very well ; for the deaf and 
dumb are here in their proper places, as they 
have nothing elfe to do than to affemble at a 
certain hour at a certain day, in order to throw 
a few little balls in the little balloting machine, 
when a certain fign is made. It is almofl; im- 
poffible for any man to think otherwife, if he 
have ever been prefent at the fittings of the 
legiflative body, and feen its members filent- 
ly perform that facred and important duty of 
throwing a black or white ball into a certain 
pot, as it pleafes their matter. 

The French people care not about the fit- 
tings of the legiflative body. The greateft 
part of thofe who go there out of curiofity, 
are foreigners, who wifli to fee the fine faloon, 

* Sicard, a celebrated leader of the deaf and dumb, in Park 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 99 

which has been fitted up for the legillative 
body, in the palace of the Prince Conti; 
and they may fee it when the fittings are over. 
Countrymen, or inhabitants of fmall bo- 
roughs, who are anxious to fee their coufins 
and friends, in their embroidered coftly drefs, 
and broad tri-coloured fcarf, fometimes go 
there; and they form indeed a ftrange con- 
traft with the foreign rninifters, who fome- 
tinges attend in their full drefs, with their ftars 
and ribbands, and have a feparate gallery 
affigned them. 

The French citizens would take more inte^ 
reft in the fittings of the tribunate, where the 
new laws are difcuffed: but this legiflative 
body affemble in a fmall faloon, of the palais 
royal, which, on that account, is now called 
Palais du Tribunat. There is only room 
for a few fpeftators ; but even thefe few arc 
feldom to be met with. 

A more, interefting objeft to all Parifians 
was, the beholding the hereditary prince of 



100 BONAPARTE 

Parma, whom Bonaparte made king of Etruria. 
They had not feen a king for the laft ten years. 
He, that now appeared among them was a 
young prince of twenty-one years of age, well 
made, a Louis of the houfe of Bourbon, dreffed * 
in the fplendid uniform of the Spanifti guards. 
Bonaparte behaved civilly towards him : he 
came to tov\^n from Malmaifon more frequent- 
ly than ufual ; but the air and tone of a man 
that can make and unmake kings, was always 
kept up towards the young prince, who be- 
haved almoft with too much civility and gra- 
titude to the Firft Conful. The moft expen- 
five and moft fplendid feafts were gwen iii 
honor of the young king, but not by Bona- 
parte himfelf ; he ordered his minifters to do 
fo. Millions of livres were expended, and 
never iince the days of Louis XIV. had fuch 
a number of grand feftivals been given at 
Paris. Flattering illufions to the illuftrious 
vifitor were made at the theatres. Diftinguilh- 
ing marks of refpedl; were bellowed upon him 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. " 101 
every whete. Many an hon eft-hearted Pari- 
fian was inclined to believe, that the kingdom 
of Etruria was only meant as the firft ftep, or 
preparatory fchool for this Louis of Bourbon, 
and that Bonaparte hereafter intended to make 
him king^of France. But the public prints 
announced his departure fooner than he him- 
felf might have been led to expeft. Not 
long after he fet out, taking with him a 
letter written by Bonaparte to the Duke of 
Parma, his father, in which he recommended 
ftrongly the receiving of his fon like a king, 
and the paying him all due honors and re- 
fpeft. 5^But there was no need of this; the 
duke would not have offended his fifter, the 
Queen of Spain, who had been inftrumental in 
procuring fuch a boon for her nephew, or ra^ 
ther for her daughter, his confort. Never did 
the fon of a petty prince obtain more ealily 
fo valuable a gift. Tufcany is the fineft and 
moft fruitful part of Italy, near the Mediter- 
ranean, with 1,500,000 inhabitants, yielding 



102 BONAPARTE 

a revenue of three millions of dollars. But 
why the neceffity of railing it into a king- 
dom, as the grand dukes had always been 
very refpedlable, few could guefs. They 
were as much aftoniftied as when he annihi- 
lated Venice. Some fuppofed, that mere re- 
venge had fpurred him in one inftance, and 
that an over-ruling pride had guided him in 
the other. But Bonaparte knows the French, 
and underftands pretty well how to prepare 
them gradually for thofe fteps, which he 
means to take hereafter. 

The indemnification of the Grand Duke of 
Tufcany, was not thought of: he was compel- 
led to give up his country, becaufe Bonaparte 
would not fufFer an Auftrian prince in the 
neighbourhood of his Italian republic, and 
fo near the Mediterranean. He was to be in- 
demnified, both in Germany and Italy ; and 
yet of all European princes he had been the 
firit in acknowledging the French republic. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 103 

The King of Sardinia, who had been robbed 
of Piedmont and Savoy, was not treated with 
more indulgence. His ambaflador was even 
ordered to leave Paris, becaufe he thoughe 
proper to treat without the concurrence of 
Ruffia and Pruflia ; nor would he fubmit to 
the impertinence of the minifter of police, 
who peremptorily required, that he fhould 
perfonally wait upon him, in order to fhew 
his credentials. 

The pretty and fplendid feafts, and all the . 
fine fports during the flay of the King of 
Etruria, had neverthelefs fome good eflFe£ls. 
The Parifians, who like children, eafily for- 
get paft injuries, were put in good humour 
again, and heartily difpofed to rejoice at the 
peace with England; and they did fo, without 
troubling themfelves whether Roederer would 
call them favages^or rabble. There was no 
end to their noify mirth : the official congra- 
tulations took up feveral days, and the en- 
virons of the Thuilleries were continually 



W4 BONAPARTE 

crowded, where the eyes were dazzled with the 
uncommon brilliancy of the furrounding ob- 
jefts on the great public parade. The cry 
of " Vive Bonaparte," was once more heard; 
but the populace rulhed on with fuch impe- 
tuofity to fee the great pacificator, in fpite of 
all his guards, that he was compelled to leave 
the parade fooner than ufual, and rather in a 
precipitate manner. 

Bonaparte availed himfelf of this joyful dif- 
pofition of the people, to introduce the day of 
his counter-revolution as a feftival : peace and 
this event were therefore celebrated at one and 
the fame time. Very great and expenfive pre- 
parations were made ; but the whole of this 
feaft was far from being in the republican, but 
rather in the old court ftyle. Not the exten- 
five field of Mars, nor the Elyfian fields, but 
the moil confined part of the Thuilleries was 
the fpot chofen. The populace were forced 
to remain at a diftance in the dirty llreets, 
and neighbouring places, during the rain. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 105 

There was certainly mattfer enough to be 
looked at. Air-balloons, fire-works, water- 
works, and a fort of military pantomime, in 
which all nations were reprefented, with whom 
France had been at war. The Parifians, na- 
turally fond of ihow, were not to be kept at 
home. In fpite of the unfavorablenefs of 
the weather, they remained there in crowds 
from morning till night, to enjoy all thefe ra- 
rities ; and at noon, when it began to clear 
up a little, and Bonaparte fhewed himfelf at 
the window of his palace, they repeatedly 
cheered and faluted him with the cry of 
*' Vive Bonaparte." In the interior of the 
palace there was alfo great rejoicing. Bona- 
parte wore, for the firft time, at the hilt of 
his fword, the precious diamond, once the 
ornament of the crown. 

To the quiet obferver, who is not folely 
intent on outward glitter, and who had;, 
perhaps, retired to France, in order to efcape 
the tyranny of his defpot at home, this 



106 BONAPARTE 

highly celebrated peace with the powers, and 
particularly with Ruffia, muft be a matter of 
regret, and a Handing teftiraony of the humi- 
liation of mankind. 

The Firfl; Conful, an upftart, who, by the 
will of the French people, or rather by their 
paflive fubmiffion, and his own cunning, had 
become their abfolute mafter ; and a prince 
born, the unlimited emperor of a defpotic coun- 
try, mutually engage to take care of their own 
perfonal fecurity, and of that of their coun- 
try. Thefe two, who, according to the 
affertions of their flatterers and flaves, fland 
oppolite to one another, like the good and 
the fallen angel, ofFer their hands and hearts, 
and promife cordially to co-operate in put- 
ting every perfon out of the prote6lion of 
the law, who ftiall fall under the fufpicion of 
inimical defigns to either,* 



* The remarkable article in the treaty of peace between France 
and Ruffia, to which this refers, contains the following words :— 



AND -THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 107 

Poor Paul had made the painful experience 
too foon, that they were no travelling French- 
men who oppofed him. He died too early for 
the northern coalition, and its defigns. The 
companionate friend of mankind can only 
mourn for the brave Danes, who ftied their 
blood for their country, and flood forward 
with true patriotic courage, to defend it againft 
Britifh fuperiority. Worthy of praife, and of 
lading glory, are all thofe, who gallantly rife 
in the deciding moment of common danger, 
and bravely ft and, without looking back to 



" Les deux parties contradlantes voulant, autant qu'il eft en 
leur pouvoir, contribuer a la tranquillite des gpuvernements ref- 
pedlifs, fe promettent mutuellement de ne pas fouffrir, qu'aueun 
de leurs fujecs fe permette d'entretenir une correfpondance quel- 
conque, foit dire(Se foit indirecSe, avec les ennemis interieursdu 
gouvernement adtuel de? deux etats, d'y propager des principes 
contralres a leurs conftitutions refpeitives, ou d'y fomenter des 
troubles ; et par une fuite de ce concert, tout fujet de I'une des 
deux puiflances, qui, en fejournant dans les etats de I'autre atten- 
terait a fa furete, fera de fuite eloigne du dit pays et tranfportc 
hors des frontieres, fans pouvoir en aucun cas fe reclamer de la 
prote(Sion de fon gouvernement." 



108 BONAPARTE 

perfonal intereft and fafety. So did the 
Danes; and this noble deed has certainly 
proved the worth of that nation to its neigh- 
bours, and to all Europe. 

Bonaparte had, indeed, great caufe to re- 
joice at his new connexion with Paul, which 
was fo foon and fo unexpe6i;edly followed by 
the very advantageous peace with England ; 
for though Alexander kept the peace, once 
concluded, he certainly would not have made 
it, nor would he ever have done any thing to 
promote a treaty fo very difadvantageous to 
Great Britain. A treaty of peace between 
Alexander and Bonaparte would not have in- 
cluded the former article. Whilfl; Bonaparte 
ftrives to annihilate all civil and political li- 
berty in France, Alexander prepares for his 
extenfive empire that reafonable freedom, by 
which the happy and contented exiftence of 
a monarch, and the comfort and welfare of 
the people are equally fecured, and which 
attaches the latter to their kind ruler, hy 
the blefled tie of gratitude. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. t09 

But Bonaparte is an utter ftranger to fenti- 
ments of humanity. Even the prefent confti- 
tution, which fprings from his own arbitrary- 
will, began to difpleafe him; for he thought 
himfelf ftill too much conflrained by it. 
With the affiftance of his trufty fervants, he 
now fet about framing another, from which he 
might have full power to do what he pleafed. 
The law was to place him, for the future, above 
all contradidion or refiftance. Still, how- 
ever, previous to any other confideration, he 
thought proper to give his new created Cifal- 
pine Republic a conftitution that fhould ferve 
as an introduftory ftep for his new one, in 
regard to France. He ftri61;ly adhered to his 
former policy, of progreflively difpofmg the 
light-headed French to every injurious inno- 
vation. He would give them an inftru6tive 
example in the new Italian Republic, where 
no refiftance was probable, and where public 
liberty is a thing quite unknown. 

A national deputation of 450 inhabitants of 



UO BONAPARTE 

the Cifalpine Republic, from the nobility, the 
clergy, the commons, the military corps, the 
learned, and the eminent citizens of all claffes, 
had been ordered by Bonaparte to proceed to 
Lyons, in order to fettle with him the new 
conftitution, and had already been there fe- 
veral weeks waiting for his arrival. The mi- 
nifter of foreign affairs had alfo left Paris 
fome weeks before, to proceed to Lyons ; but 
Bonaparte was retained by fears for his life 
and the fafety of his family. The molt hete- 
rogeneous reports, of cxtenlive and dangerous 
plots were whifpered into his ears ; the moil 
extraordinary meafures were adopted for his 
fecurity ; a great number were taken up ; the 
prifons of Paris were filled with fufpefted per- 
fons ; the moft renowned generals were fen£ 
away from the capital ; and either exiled to 
their country feats, or to diflant departments; 
many of the mofl; celebrated ftatefmen, Barras, 
Rewbel, Tallien, and many citizens of lefs 
note, received the fame complime^d t they 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. l It 

were alfo fent into the provinces, and placed 
under the fpecial infpedion of the police; 
many of the returned emigrants, of both 
fexes, met with the fame fate ; even old La 
Harpe had the honor of being reckoned 
among the number of thefe unjuftly perfe- 
cuted vi£lims of foul fufpicion ; and was 
accordingly banilhed. 

Foreign powers were requefled to take up 
all emigrants living in their dominions, and 
fubjeft them to a ftri6l examination. 

The family of the Firft Conful were cele- 
brating in the mean time the marriage of his 
third brother, Louis Bonaparte, with Made- 
moifelle Beauharnois, his wife's daughter by a 
former marriage. A houfe, lately inhabited 
hy the Firfl Conful himfeif, had been moft 
fuperbly fitted up for the new married couple. 
A fmall chapel had been likewife prepared in 
this houfe, where the Cardinal Caprara was to 
join this noble pair. General Murat, brother- 
in-law to the Firft Conful, alfo thought it 
proper to have the ceremony of his marriage 



112 BONAPARTE 

performed again by this mofl holy man ; and 
thus, perhaps, gave the fignal for endlefs 
commotions with the priefts. Bonaparte faid 
to the cardinal, when he privately united his 
dearly beloved daughter-in-law, That thefe fo- 
lemn a6ls in his family ihould not always be 
performed fecretly, but that he hoped foon 
to be able to make them more fplendid. Bo- 
naparte was abfolutely inacceffible during that 
period. Meafures of fafety were deliberated 
on at night by the council of itate, and none 
but the mofl trufty members were invited to 
it. Even the two other Confuls were not al- 
ways prefent. The police received inftru6lions 
to execute them with the utmoft fecrecy, and 
the newspapers were ftriftly forbidden to make 
the leaft mention of them. Even the minifter 
of police, Fouche, fell under fufpicion, and 
was clofely watched. After having taken 
every precaution, to fecure his perfonal fafety 
during the journey to Lyons, Bonaparte at laft 
fet out in the night, accompanied by his wife, 
fome generals in his confidence, and his 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. US 

guards. The whole road, from Paris to Ly- 
ons, was filled with detachments of troops of 
the line and genfdarmes, who alternately took 
charge of the Firfl Conful, and delivered him 
to each other like a prifoner. 

In Lyons itfelf fimilar meafures were ta- 
ken ; and they went fo far as to order, by a 
public decree, that the people fhould not press 
upon the Firft Conful, nor affemble in the 
ftreets through which he had to pafs. The 
guard of honor, chofen from the fons of the 
moll refpeftable merchants and inhabitants of 
Lyons, was not admitted clofe to his perfon ; 
his own body-guard always furrounded him. 

Many Ligurian deputies, who had travelled 
to Lyons to be prefented to the Firft Conful, 
had a few conferences with Talleyrand, and 
were fent back, without having feen him. 
They had not been called, nor had they alk- 
ed leave to go thither. 

The Firft Conful treated only with a com- 
mittee of the Cifalpine deputies about their 



114 BONAPARTE 

new conftitution, by which they were to have 
a prefident and a vice-prefident. He at laft 
notified his will in a general affembly, and told 
them plainly, that he did not find among 
the 450 deputies, whom the Moniteur had 
mentioned as the moft enlightened and de- 
ferving, one fingle man worthy of being made 
their prefident : and that he, therefore, had 
taken upon him the charge of this new dig- 
nity. The Italian affembly applauded this 
part of his fpeech, with great eagernefs, as 
often as he flopped to take breath. 

This new conftitution does not admit of a 
free reprefentation of the people, nor does it 
feparate the legiOative from the executive 
power. All the numerous expenfive courts 
which it ordains, are nothing but mere tools 
in the hands of the prefident. It was, never- 
thelefs, highly extolled by a fet of fervile 
French writers and politicians. Rosdererpaffed 
great eulogies on the 87th article of this con- 
ftitution, by which it was decreed, that a fpe- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 115 

dal committee fliould be appointed, who were 
privately to deliberate on the new laws with 
the council of ftate. He recommended a 
fimilar one to France. 

Weary of feafts, flatteries, and cringing, 
he returned, a fortnight after, fole regent of 
a new republic, in downright contradiftion to 
the provifions of the French conftitutional 
law : the fame military meafures were adopt- 
ed for the fafety of his return. The mayor 
of Lyons received a fcarf of honour as a re- 
ward of his afliduity and fubmiflion. 

The orders fent to all publifbers of newf- 
papers, by which they were prohibited to 
notice any innovation and meafure of fafety, 
had given birth to a written bulletin, which 
was diftributed at Paris, and frequently fent 
abroad. The minifter of police, Fouche, 
difcovered at laft the author to be one Fouil- 
haux ; he had him taken up, and fentenced 
him to deportation. The Conful was much 
vexed at finding, after his return, that this 



116 BONAPARTE 

very fame bulletin was still continued by the 
Courier de Londres, publillied in London. 
Offended in the higheft degree at thefe public 
expofures of his charafter, and foolifhly ima- 
gining that he could ftifle the public voice 
abroad, with the fame facility as he had done 
in France, he ordered De Montlofier, a 
French emigrant, formerly the publifher of a 
royalift journal, " Les A61:es des Apotres," 
and of late returned from London, to fet up 
a new Courier de Londres, containing a kind 
of ofiScial bulletin, which frequently made 
war againft the Englifh newfpapers. The 
editor of the genuine Courier de Londres be- 
came more daring after that time, and Bona- 
parte often demanded his puniftiment from 
the Englifh miniflry. A formal process was 
at lafl inflituted at London againfl Peltier, 
which ended in his triumph. His journal, 
together with all Englifh newfpapers, were 
prohibited at Paris, and the police watches 
againfl their importation with incredible but 
fully efifedlual afliduity. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 1 17 

The official, and demi-official papers, the 
" Moniteur, "and the " Dcfenfeur de la Patrie," 
publifhed by Bourienne, Bonaparte's private 
fecretary ; " the Bulletin de Paris, " under the 
direftion of the counfellor of Hate, Regnaud 
St. Jean d'Angely ; the '' Journal of Paris," 
under the dire6lion of Roederer, were all fully 
employed in contradi6ling and refuting the 
reports which had h^tu. fpread during the con- 
cealment and abfence of Bonaparte. The 
Britifh parliament was not fpared in the leaft, 
though the negotiations of peace had already 
commenced at Amiens. The Moniteur 
thought the Britifh reprefentatives of the peo- 
ple a Jet of Tartars, and found in their fpeech- 
es nothing but childifti difcuffions. He often 
taxed them with ftupidity, abfurdity, ridicule, 
&c. All the underling papers eagerly copi- 
ed thtie judicious remarks from the Moniteur. 
A certain paper, called La Clef du Cabinet, 
which had attempted to take the airs of an 
oppofition paper, began to notice thefe abfurd 



118 BONAPARTE 

proceedings ; but he was ordered to keep 
filence. A journal called Decade Philofo- 
phique, which ufed to infert an article under 
the title " Les Affaires de I'lnterieur" was 
commanded to omit it in future. A mufical 
entertainment called, " La partie de chafle 
de Heniy IV/' that had been got up with 
great expence, received the Confular Inter- 
dict, on account of fome verfes in honour of 
their moft beloved Henry, and his defcend- 
ants. M. Texier, taking advantage of this 
prohibition, announced it for his public read- 
ings : but was commanded to leave out the 
offenfive verfes. M. Panou went fo far, as 
to offer fome general advice in his journal 
" Mentor a Corinthe," which greatly militat- 
ed againfl Bonaparte's projects. He, the 
publifher, and the printer were all taken up : 
the printer had his preffes feized, and formal- 
ly confifcated by the police. The publifher 
loft all the copies of this truly harmlefs pro- 
.du6lion, without receiving any equivalent. 
The author was deported to Cayenne. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 119 

A young and merry poet, M. Dupaty, nar- 
rowly efcaped a fimilar fate. In a fatyrical 
play written by him, he had made a little too 
free with the awkwardnefs and arrogance of the 
new ruler, and his trufly fervants. He was 
fent to Brefl in confequence of an exprefs or- 
der from the Firfl; Conful, who was already 
incenfed againfl him, on account of his being 
the jovial companion of his brother Lucien, 
then in difgrace. He was to be tranfported 
to St. Domingo, on board the firfl fhip, to 
fhew his bravery againfl negroes and mulat- 
toes. Happily for him the two brothers were 
reconciled before fuch a vefTel failed ; and he 
was pardoned after a few months' imprifon- 
ment. Thus every one was flruck with fear 
and terror, and all Paris refounded with 
praifes and bleflings on the Firfl Conful. 

The definitive treaty of peace with Eng- 
land, fo eagerly defired, on account of the 
grand St. Domingo fleet, was at Lift conclud- 
ed. But the news of it was received at Paris 



120 BONAPARTE 

with incredible coolnefs. It made no favour- 
able impieffion on the public funds. The 
cparfe abufive language of the newfpapers to- 
wards the Englifh, was changed into malicious 
fneers. Their mutual animofities did not 
ceafe. Bonaparte finding himfelf fully con- 
firmed in his power, now brought his projedls 
to light : the tribunate, which had remained 
ina6iive fince the famous cleanfing of its ftalls, 
voted the prolongation of the confulate to ten 
years, as a mark of national gratitude towards 
the Firft Conful. Sieyes was the only man 
who declared that the people alone could de- 
cide on this meafure : it was however adopt- 
ed, and the refolution laid before the Chief 
Conful for his approbation. Bonaparte very 
dexteroufly availed himfelf of this fingle dif- 
fentient vote of Sieyes : he refufed his affent, 
pretending that the people alone could vote 
him fuch a mark of confidence. The two 
other confuls now iffued a proclamation, by 
which the preparing of lifts was ordered, in 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 121 

which every Frenchman might give his vote 
either for or againfl: a confulate for life. The 
prefects of the departments were commanded 
to open fpecial lifts, and colleft the votes ; 
within the fhort fpace of three weeks, all lifts 
muft be clofed and fent in ; and every French- 
man, not voting at all, ftiould be looked up- 
on as having affented. The tribunate, the le- 
giflative body, and the department of the 
Seine, inftantly voted the confulate for life. 
The legiflative body ordered the prefentation 
of their decree by a grand deputation, and 
thus clofed their pitiful fittings. 

The propofal for the creation of a new mi- 
litary nobility, or legion of honour, met with 
fome oppolition. The will of the mafter was 
carried only by a majority of 56 votes againfl 
38. The re-introduClion of flavery found lefs 
refiftance with thefe fage legiflators of a free 
people. The votes were 211 againft 65, and 
the nohle affembly was honoured with the 
thanks of government for its amiable difpofi- 
tion. 



122 BONAPARTE 

Books, for the lovers oi Jlourijhing, were 
opened in the mean time. Several military 
and judicial manoeuvres were ufed to entrap 
votes. This colle6ling of the voice of the 
people by infcriptions on lifts, is, indeed, a 
genuine invention : every body may iign 
them, when he pleafes, where he pleafes, as 
often as he pleafes, and under any name he 
pleafes. The lifts are clofed, and no one can 
find out when, where, and how. The only 
thing which muft aftonifli, is the incredible 
difpatch with which the true contents of an 
amazing number of different fpecial lifts are 
brought to public knowledge. 

The people were wrought upon in all the 
newfpapers, whilft thofe lifts continued open. 
The public officers at Paris figned them of 
courfe, but the citizens were rather backward, 
and even doubtful. The minifter of the police, 
Fouche, and the commandant of the troops 
in Paris, iffued circular letters : the latter 
complains of difaffeded perfons, who wanted 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 123 

to fow diftruft among the people, and endea- 
voured to prevent them from giving their af- 
fent : he calls upon the chiefs of battalions to 
aflift him in the purfuit of thefe disafFe£led 
perfons, who wifti to difturb the public peace. 
The other folemnly affures the departments, 
that every thing is tranquil at Paris ; that its 
peace could not be difturbed, and that no plot 
exifted againft the life of the Firfl Conful. 
A great many lifts, full of names, had already 
been fent in from the departments, before looo 
votes had been collected at Paris. The priefts 
ufed all their influence upon the common 
people in favor of their new proteftor ; and 
if any body had felt inclined to give his ne- 
gative, it would have been of no avail, as all 
thofe, who did not vote at all, were looked 
upon as having affented. 

Bonaparte delayed, for fome time, the pub- 
lication of thefe votes. The minifter of the 
interior fent it at laft to the fenate, accompa- 
nied by a letter from the Second Conful, 



124 BONAPARTE 

requefting them to take fuch fteps, as, in their 
wifdom, they might think beft. Ofthetranf- 
a6lions in the fenate, nothing was known : but 
the fovereign will of the Firft Conful was ex- 
ecuted in the following lingular manner. On 
the 3d of Auguft, when the foreign ambaffa- 
dors were all affembled at the levee of Bona- 
parte in the Thuilleries, a number of people 
entered making a great noife in the palace 
court. It was the whole fenate. Every fe- 
nator was in a chariot by himfelf, each of them 
accompanied by two guards of honor, befides 
a numerous efcort of cavalry, attending the 
whole. The levee was interrupted; the cir^ 
cle of the ambaffadors opened ; and in came 
the fenate, with poor Barthelemy, their preli- 
dent, at their head. This good man began an 
emphatic address, in which the unfpeakable 
fervices, rendered by Bonaparte to France, 
were highly praifed. Barthelemy told him 
that the French nation wifhed for no greater 
happinefs, than to live under his controuj. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 125 

during his life ; that they entrufted the firft 
magiftracy into his hands for ever ; that by 
this folemn aft of gratitude, they committed 
to him this facred charge, in order to render 
their fittings more durable, to difpel their 
fears, and to deliver them from all future cala- 
mity. After having mightily extolled the 
greatnefs oithe hero and the regent, in war and 
peace, he alTured him that the fenat conferva- 
teur fubfcribed to all thefe noble fentiments ; 
and concluded a pretty long fpeech, with the 
reading of the Senatus Confultu7n, by which 
Bonaparte was appointed Conful for life, in 
the name of the people ; proclaimed as fuch 
by the fenate ; and a monument was ordered 
to be erefted in commemoration of the peace. 
Bonaparte, who has by no means the gift 
of fpeech, whatever his flatterers may have 
faid on that fubje6l, drew a written paper from 
his pocket, and read the following anfwer to 
this addrefs of the fenate, who, certainly took 
him by furprife : ^^ To the life of a citizen, his 



126 BONAPARTE 

country has a jujl claim. The French people 
demand, that IJfiall devote viyjelf to their Jer- 
vice ; I obey their will. In giving me now this 
pledge of their conjidence, they impofe upon me 
thefacred duty to ejlablijh the fyjlem of their 
laws on principles of wifdom, liberty, equality ; 
and the welfare of France will befecured againfl 
all future viciffitudes." Many praifes on the 
French people, thanks to the fenate, and a 
compliment to their worthy prefident, con- 
cluded this memorable fpeech. The fenate 
took leave, and a volley of congratulations 
followed atlaft. A council of ftate was held 
on the very fame evening, in which the new 
power of " difpelling fears, and removing 
evil," was eagerly feized and executed. The 
fenatus confultum was fent on the following 
day to the confervative fenate for their infor- 
mation. It is a monftrous thing ; it entirely 
fubverts the conflitution, and renders the 
Firft; Conful more abfolute than any of the 
princes throughout Europe. It could not 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 127 

convey any power to Bonaparte, as it had not 
previoufly palTed into a law. All neW laws 
muft be fubmitted to the difcuffion of the tri- 
bunate ; but this fenatus confultum was nei- 
ther laid before the tribunate, nor was it pro- 
pofed to the legillative body for affent, as the 
conftitutional law enafts. It has, therefore, 
according to the exi fling conftitution, no le- 
gality at all. The a6ling upon this fenatus 
confultum is the greateft ufurpation pollible ; 
it is an open violation of the conftitution, and 
the whole French nation ought to have re- 
volted at it ; but they had loft all power of 
refiftance. The contents of this fenatus con- 
fultum are ftill more provoking ; by it all true 
reprefentation of the people is annihilated. 
The reprefentatives are in future to be chofen 
by general alTemblies, whofe members are 
previoufly ele6led by fpecial ones. In each 
of thefe a prefident fuperintends, who may 
avail himfelf of the aid of the military to curb 
the refra£lory members. Government may 



128 BONAPARTE 

convoke thefe affemblies, or fufFer the good 
people to remain at home, if there be any 
probability of oppolition. The members of 
the elefting affembly are alfo generally mem- 
bers of the legion of honor, or military cha- 
rafters, and have a penfion for life from go- 
vernment, in order that they may be quite in- 
dependent, and have no inducement to pleafe 
the people. The prelidents of both affem- 
blies are appointed by government at every 
ele6lion. If they condu£l themfelves proper- 
ly, they may be re-ele£led. The right of elec- 
tion is, therefore, taken from the people. 

The Firft Conful is alfo fecured by it againd 
all legal refiftance or contradiftion in future. 
The adminiftration of juftice, and the crimi- 
nal jurifdi61:ion are at his difpofal. The 55th 
article of the fenatus confultum is a mafter- 
piece in this refpe61;; it is a final verdi6l ; it 
runs thus : " 1 . The fenate has the power to 
fufpend the funftions of juries, in all the dif- 
ferent departments, for five years, whenever 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 129 

it fliall think fuch a meafure neceffary. 2. The 
fenate may declare whole departments out of 
the benefit of the conllitutionj whenever cir- 
cumftances fhall require it. 3. The fenate is 
to determine at what time all prifoners Ihall 
be brought to trial, if it cannot take place 
within the prefcribed ten days after their a'rreft. 
4. The fenate may annul the judgments of the 
civil and criminal courts of juflice, if the 
fafety of the ftate is found to be endangered 
by them ; the fenate fhall diffolve the legifla- 
tive body and the tribunate, and appoint 
the confuls." 

The tribunate and the legiflative body, 
hitherto propofed, in concurrence with the 
Firft Conful, the candidate to fill up the va- 
cancies in the fenate. This is no more the 
cafe ; the Firft Conful has now taken this 
triple charge upon himfelf alone, to prevent 
any difappointment in future. 

The former law, which ordained, " that no 
one fhould be chofen fenator before his 40th 



130 BONAPARTE 

year, and tlici^t no fenator fliould accept of any 
other public office, has been aboliflied, in 
order to unfetter the hands of the Firfl Con- 
ful, who is very well difpofed towards his 
younger brothers, and his favorites amorig 
the counfellors of flate. 

The tribunate is reduced to half the num- 
ber of the former members, that it may be 
more eafy to overrule them ; but if they fliould 
happen to be troublefome, the fenate may dif- 
folve them as well as the legiflative body. 

The fenate refufed, for fome time, to turn 
out fome of its members, who had difpleafed 
the Firft Conful by their oppofition : and 
whofe eje6lion the latter demanded. They 
had not, by their confultum, fo readily agreed 
to the propofal of a conful for life ; but only 
granted ten years. The other two confuls, 
who never before a6led by themfelves, were 
then inftruded to come forth with their pro- 
pofal of a confulate for life, which was not at 
all fan6lioned by the fenatus confultum. The 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLi:. 131 

grateful and generous Firft Conful could not 
let this fcrvicc pafs unrequited ; he could do 
nothing lefs than confirm them confuls fof 
life ; and he did fo, without afking any body. 

The fenate has, in future, no prefident of 
its own choice; but one of the confuls always 
prefides there ; nor dare they pafs any fenatus 
confultum, unlefs a propofal have been madp 
by government to that efFeft. 

All royal prerogatives, as for inftance, the 
power of concluding treaties, of declaring 
war, of granting pardon to criminals, of ap- 
pointing judges, &c. were alfo granted to the 
Firfl Conful. 

A cotemporary writer has powerfully urged 
thefe innovations, and concludes his notes in 
the following terms : " Thus every thing has 
returned, after an unfortunate roundabout 
way, to the very point from which it fet out ; 
yet with this dilFerence, that in former times 
an oppofition of the independent ftates and 
bodies, might be fhc wn to the royal pleafure; 



132 BONAPARTE 

* Tel efi notre bon plaifir,' whereas now every 

body mud bow in lilence under the confular 

majefty." 

The Moniteur announced this arbitrary 
fubverfion of all rights of the people, and of 
all former laws, as a bleffed Hep towards every 
good that could be wifhed for. Other news- 
papers afferted, that the equality of right and 
fovereignty of the people had been moft won- 
derfully fecured by thefe new provilions. 
Fouche, the minifler of police, joined in the 
chorus, and fweetly chaunted the praifes of 
this reftoration of all the difiFerent ancient 
privileges of the people. 

All his compliance with government, all 
his zeal in fpying out, in arrefting, and in de- 
porting his fellow-citizens, who had rendered 
themfelves obnoxious or difagreeable to the 
Firfl Conful, at the time of the voting for the 
confulate for life ; all was not fufficient to 
maintain him in his place. He had been de- 
nounced to the Firll Conful, and had fallen 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 133 

under his fufpicion ; the place of minifter of 
police was therefore abolifhed, and its func- 
tions were confided to the prefe£l of police, 
who rQ.s under the dire6lion of the prefent 
grand judge, and minifter of juftice, Reig- 
nier. No one of all the minifters is fo gene- 
rally hated and defpifed as this Reignier ; and 
Bonaparte probably thought him, on that ac- 
count, the very perfon upon whom he might 
moft efFe6lually rely for his fecurity. Fouche 
went over into the council of ftate, with feve- 
ral other perfons, and now fits there, tied up, 
clofe under the eye of the defpot. He has 
gained no other benefit from this tranfplanta- 
tion, than the fecure enjoyment of his ef- 
ftates, which he purchafed to the amount of 
feveral millions, in the neighbourhood of 
Paris, whilft he was minifter of police. 

The newspapers and journals in the pay of 
Bonaparte, who of late had made it their duty 
to ridicule the ignorance and political per- 
verfenefs of fome antidefpotic critics, and to 



134 BONAPARTE 

infe6t the public with their venal do6lrine 
^bout the wifdom of the meafures of govern- 
ment, found it expedient to ufe the fame arti- 
fice with regard to the abolifhed miniftry of 
police. It evidently appears from their para- 
graphs on this head, that there are three diffe- 
rent branches of police in France, the joint 
care of which might be too dangerous if trufted 
to the hands of one minifler alone. Of thefe 
three different branches, the one is called 
police locale, which is confided to the com- 
miffaries of the police, who have it in charge 
to watch over the cleanlinefs, falubrity, and 
peaceful order of the city. The other is 
.called police judiciaire, which is to be in future 
under the fole direflion of the grand judge or 
minifler of juftice ; its duty is to trace, watch, 
and imprifon not only thofe fufpe6led perfons 
whom the law cannot take hold of, but even 
thofe who had been fet at liberty for want of 
fatisfa6lory proof, after having been taken up 
by government, and who are ftill looked 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 135 

upon as dangerous. This branch was in 
former times committed to the lieutenant of 
police, who was the natural prefident of that 
court " Prefident ne au chatelet." The third 
branch is called, " haute pdice, or, police ge- 
nerate " It extends over all parts of the re- 
public indifcriminately ; it may feize any one 
fufpefted of being concerned in a plot; it may 
lay hold of any troublefome perfon: it has an 
immenfe number of agents and emilTaries 
prowling all over France, who may call on 
the military for affiftance whenever they chufe; 
they are unknown to the public, and are al- 
ways acting incognito ; have a general centre 
to which they repair; have the exorbitant 
power of feizing any body, though no com- 
plaint be alleged again ft him ; and of punifh- 
ing even on bare fufpicion. Such a power 
might have been too dangerous in the hands 
of a man like Fouche. The grand judge may 
be better depended upon. 

Imprifonments and deportations became 



136 BONAPARTE 

more and more frequent, under this new direc- 
tion of the police ; yet they were carried on 
with greater fecrecy. The temple was fo full, 
that it could hold no more : the ftate prifon 
at Vincennes was accordingly repaired and 
enlarged. About 60 perfons of all ranks and 
claffes were deported in the month of Auguft 
alone. The exiling into diftant departments 
every one who freely and publicly ventured 
to give his opinion, had no end. This was 
moft frequently the fate of emigrant noblemen 
who had returned to France, and were again 
driven away by the extremely equivocal and 
contradiflory condu6l of Bonaparte and his 
minifters. It often happened, that fuch emi- 
grants, after obtaining warrants from govern- 
ment, by which the reftoration of their former 
eftates was moft ftriftly and formally com- 
manded ; and, after proceeding to the fpot to 
take poffeflion, were fent back, in confor- 
mity to fecret letters from the minifters, to 
the prefers in the departments, by which 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. I5t 

they were prohibited from executing thefe 
warrants. 

Thefe unfortunate noblemen, who frequent- 
ly were not pofTefTed of fufficient money, or, 
perhaps, not having cunning enough to effe£l 
the recal of thefe fecret prohibitions in the 
fame way in which they generally obtained 
the former warrants, could not always brook 
in filence thefe violations of juftice. They 
grew rather loud ; but there wanted only a 
little hint to the police, to put in force the 
provifion of that law, by which all returned 
emigrants were placed, for the firft ten years, 
under its immediate infpedlion. They were 
exiled to any place which the police affigned 
them, and compelled to fubmit without being 
permitted to appeal. 

Talleyrand's uncle, the baron d'Archam- 
beau, and a returned emigrant, fufpe£ted of a 
fecret correfpondence with England, were in 
the number of thofe fo taken up and exiled. 

Many of the generals, then living in Paris, 



138 BONAPARTE 

viz. Maffena, Delmas, Augereau, and feveral 
others, were exiled from court to their eftates ; 
and thofe, who were not pofleffed of eftates 
at a diftance from Paris, were fent to the re- 
moteft parts of France. 

Even foreigners were treated in the fame 
manner, if they could not give an account of 
the letters or packets direfted to perfons 
abroad, that had been ftopped at the poft-office 
and confifcated there. Several perfons of note, 
who were looked upon as dangerous, either 
on account of their connexions, their way of 
thinking, or their talents, received orders to 
leave the republic. The famous Mad. de 
Stael, the daughter of M. Necker, a lady of 
real genius, and pofleffed of conliderable pro- 
perty, who had attrafted the particular notice 
of Bonaparte, by the freedom which ftie took 
in her writings, was fent away from France ; 
and Benjamin Conftant, a Swifs, of found un- 
derftanding, and a good writer, fhared the 
fame fate, Madame de Stael, perhaps, owed 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 139 

this treatment to a late work of her father's, 
publifhed under the title of " Dernieres vues 
de politique," which defervedly cenfures the 
mixture of a monarchical and republican go- 
vernment, introduced by Bonaparte, in order 
to blind the French, and to cover his defigns. 
Whilfl Bonaparte was thus clearing his 
way, a journal was fet on foot, to combat all 
former principles of liberty, equality, &c. It 
was the vile produ£lion of the infamous Bar- 
rere, who dire6led its bafe attacks chiefly 
againll Condorcet and Camille Jourdan, It 
bore the title of " Journal des defenfeurs de 
la patrie," and flood under the fpecial fuper- 
intendance of Fouche, then minifter of police. 
This execrable Barrere, this cringing fyco- 
phant, the villainous fpeaking trumpet of all 
tyrants and raving monfters, who difhonored 
the French revolution, is ftill in the fervice of 
government, and is the nioft aftive member of 
an inquifitorial court, inftituted againft men 
of letters and learning. He ferved all parties 



140 BONAPARTE 

alike ; but, when the decifive moment arrived, 
he always turned ; and, by this fhameful ver- 
fatility and grofs infamy, he has efcaped all 
fentences of deportation paffed againft him. 
Who knows, whether he has not two different 
fpeeches quite ready in his delk, teeming both 
with curfes or bleflings on Bonaparte, as was 
the cafe in the time of Robefpierre ; but I 
fear the prefent defpot will hardly give him 
an opportunity; for, whatever Bonaparte 
may do, and how pliant foever the French 
may appear, he will never think himfelf fo 
far fecure, as to relax an inftant in his moft 
anxious cares for his perfonal fafety. 

This attention of his was too vifible on 
the 2 ill of Auguft, at the fittings of the fe- 
nate, where Bonaparte prelided for the firft 
time. The governor of the palace, the com- 
manding general of the confular guard, the 
general infpe^lors of the genfdarmes, of the 
artillery and engineers, were ready to pre- 
vent any accident to his perfon. The whole 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. Ul 

of the confular horfe-guards and mamelukes 
clofely furrounded him : the foot-guards, and 
all the regular troops in and about Paris, were 
marched up, and formed a double hedge with- 
in which Bonaparte might fafely pafs. In 
his fuite followed the two other confuls, the 
minifters, many of the counfellors of ftate, 
the fecretary of ftate, and the prefeft of the 
police. Some of the fenators met him at the 
bottom of the ftairs leading to the palace, and 
conduced him to the affembly room, which 
had been filled with guards. His brothers, 
Lucien and Jofeph, who, by the by, are alfo 
members of the council of adminiftration and 
of the legion of honor, though the conftitu- 
tion does not permit it, took the oath of alle- 
giance firft, and the reft of the fenators fol- 
lowed. This oath did not contain the mock 
terms of liberty and equality : it was unne- 
cefTary here, as there was no populace to be 
impofed upon. Some counfellors of ftate 
and orators of government now propofed very 



U2 BONAPARTE 

weighty matters for the fenatus confuUum, 
which were of courfe inftantly agreed to, and 
claim particular attention. The fittings of 
the fenate, and the ceremonies to be obferved, 
were regulated by the firft fenatus confultum. 
The eleftion of the members of the legiflative 
bodies, and their going out of office every 
year, is fettled by the fecond. The third re- 
gulates the form of proceedings in cafe Bona- 
parte ftiould like to diffolve the tribunate and 
the legiflative body altogether. The fourth 
names the twenty-four cities, whofe mayors 
mull be prefent at the adminiftration of the 
oath, which that citizen, whom the conful 
might fix on for his fucceflbr, is obliged to 
take. The terms equality and liberty are left 
out in this oath of the fucceflbr likewife. It 
Hands thus : "I fwear to preferve the con- 
ftitution ; to honor the liberty of confcience ; 
to refifl: the introduftion of feudal regulations ; 
never to carry on war except for the defence 
and honor of the republic i and to ufe the 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 143 

power intrufted to me for the benefit of the 
people alone, from whom and for whom I 
have received it." 

The poor man, who has to take this oath, if 
he wifhed to be fomething more than the fuc- 
cefTor apparent during Bonaparte's life, ought 
to take an oath, that he would be another 
Bonaparte to keep up his conftitution, if that 
could be of any benefit to him. But I fear 
that alone will not do it : and if Bonaparte will 
only be guided in the choice of his fucceffor 
by fear and anxiety for his life and fafety, as 
it is probable, he will fare like the fon of 
Cromwell, if not worfe. Many think that 
Bonaparte intends to name his brother Jofeph 
his fucceffor, but that he will only do fo ia 
his laft will, and not name him whilft he is 
alive. Such a will might probably fhare no 
better fate than that of Louis XIV. 

Bonaparte, after having gone through all 
thefe grand ceremonies and proceffions, on 
which the ignorant gaping rabble greeted him, 



144 BONAPARTE 

as ufual, with loud huzzas, was now met by his 
wife with greater exultation than ever the late 
unfortunate queen of France felt in meeting 
her good Louis. Both could now fully and 
fecurely fatisfy their proud defire of royal 
pomp and magnificence : their prodigality 
knew no bounds. Several millions of livres 
had already been wafted to fit up their palaces 
in the Thuilleries, at Malmaifon and St. Cloud: 
ftill this was not fufficient : St. Cloud was to 
be made more fplendid than it ever had been, 
and unlimited orders were given to that effeft. 
The parks adjoining feveral country feats of the 
late king were enlarged and ftocked with deer. 
Hounds and hunters were bought, and fome 
even fetched from England, though Bona- 
parte is not at all fond of the chafe. To the 
menial fervants of their houfehold, who were 
already very numerous, a great many more 
were added. All kinds of officers eftablilhed 
at any of the European courts, were intro- 
duced : thofe who had held fuch offices be- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 145 

fore, were eagerly fought, and intrulled with 
thefe important charges ; great falaries were 
appointed them. A play-houfe, in imitation 
of that which the former royal court had afc 
Verfailles, was built at St. Cloud. A nume- 
rous band of mulicians was provided. Bona- 
parte appointed four prefefts of the police; in 
imitation of the former gentils hommes du roi, 
who were to attend his perfon alone, and to 
fuperintend the theatre, the performance, and 
the performers. This latter duty is rigidly ob~ 
ferved by them ; and they are not fufFered to 
turn their backs upon the box of the Firfl: 
Conful, not even when it is empty. The poor 
performers dare not obey their author ; when 
he orders them to fay any thing alide, they 
muft look forward. Madame Bonaparte has 
four ladies of the bed-chamber affitrned to her, 
who are provided with every thing, and have 
befides 8000 livres for pin money. 

Bonaparte had already laid hold of the pre- 
cious crown diamond, which now glitters at 
the hilt of his flate fword, and is hung up 
U 



146 BONAPARTE 

with other trophies at his bed-fide. Madame 
Bonaparte would not be behind hand : fhe 
feized upon the golden toilet of the late unfor- ' . 
tunate queen, which had hitherto efcaped all 
thofe fhamelefs thieves that fprung up during 
the revolution. Madame Bonaparte is bow- 
ever daily growing more ugly fince ftie look- 
ed into the mirror of the late beautiful An- 
toinette ; it certainly was not the tendernefs of 
her confcience, which caufed fuch a fad alter- 
ation. In order to introduce into their new 
court a princely magnificence, they want- 
ed that which neither influence nor wealth 
could procure, viz. a numerous retinue of 
nobility. Whatever Bonaparte may have 
achieved, and how far he may flatter him- 
felf with having fucceeded ; however affi- 
duous and fubmiflive Madame Bonaparte 
may have been towards Madame Monteffan, 
(the foi difant wife of the late infamous 
Duke of Orleans' father) at whofe houfe the 
moll ancient noblefle ufed to aflemble,- fhe 
could obtain no other favour for herfelf and 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 147 

family than the admiflion to fome of their 
fmall parties, where ftie has occafionally 
the honour to be feated between dukes, 
marquifes, counts, and barons, and to hear ' 
thefe fine titles tingling in her ears ; but to 
draw only difew members, and even the moft 
unworthy from this holy circle, in order to 
place them in her own retinue, was utterly 
impoffible. 

Segur, the ex-minifter, being newly appoint- 
ed to a high office in adminiflration, indulged 
his youngeft fon fo far, as to allow him to 
accept the place of a vice prefeQ: of the pa- 
lace. The noble league inftantly rofe againft 
him in a body, as he was reckoned among the 
high and ancient nobility, on account of one 
of his anceftors having been a marechal de 
France. All the citizens with " de" before 
their furname, who figured at the new court 
in the liveries of prefers, vice prefects, &c. 
were looked upon by the rigorijls as the fer- 
vile and lefTer nobility of former times. 



148 BONAPARTE 

But fortune will not always fmile; her 
greateft favorites will one time or other meet 
with fome impediment in their way ; fome 
obflacle to their defires. He who rode tri- 
umphant over Mount St.Gothard, and through 
the fandy deferts of Syria : he who gives lavy^ 
to the greateft part of Europe ; and difpofes 
at his will of the fineft countries : this mighty 
chief, at the head of fo populous an empire, 
feels delires that he cannot fatisfy. Cafting 
his longing eye around, he fixes it by chance 
upon the faloon of Madame de Monteffan. 
It happened at that moment to be crowded 
with perfons of the firft rank — " Thofe nobles 
fhail be my attendants," he cries ; and imme- 
diately difpatches his devoted daemons with 
invitations, offers, and promifes. But pro- 
mifes, offers, and invitations are inefFeftual ; 
the meffenger returns difappointed and cha- 
grined ; he tells him that all his efforts have 
been fruitlefs; that their demands were far 
beyond what he would accede to. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 149 

The angry fearful man is thus compelled to 
ftand alone on the pinnacle of his newly- 
acquired dignity ; watching night and day 
thefe rebels to his will. Their words, their 
a6lions, their looks, are equally objefts of his 
fufpicion ; not even a gefture is fuffered to 
efcape him. Alarmed by continual fears, when 
they affemble in great numbers, he immedi- 
ately difperfes them. If they flee back to the 
coaft, they are driven- to the mountains; if 
they take refuge among the rocks, they are 
hunted to the fea. 

His flaves obey the hint, purfue them, 
and, panting for breath, return to catch the 
defpot's new orders, and find their pale-faced 
matter leaning on his ftill more pale-faced 
daemon ; both turning their faint and envious 
looks towards the faloon of Madame de Mon- 
tefTan, the refort of this difobedient and ob- 
ftinate noblelTe. 

But to return : thefe noble fufFerers are the 
only perfons who dare ftand in oppofition to 



ISO BONAPARTE 

the Firft Conful. They live in their own 
country as in a flrange land ; they take no 
notice of the new c@urt, its feftivities, or bril- 
liant affcmblies. They only did not adopt 
the new fafhions introduced by the new comers. 
Even thofe among them, who have fayed 
great eftates, or flili poffefs fufficient pro- 
perty to live in a fumptuous ftyle, do not 
make any public difplay. Their fmall focial 
afiemblies contain alone, what may be called 
la bonne compagnie ; and as moft of them are 
men of refined manners, and many of them 
well-informed, and of great fame ; feveral of 
them the moft diftinguifhed literati iu royal 
France, they keep within their own circle. 
All foreigners of education, naturally difguft- 
ed with the aukward behaviour, and the tafte- 
lefs luxury, of the prefent court, endeavour to 
be admitted into their fociety ; an honor by no 
means eafily obtained ; ftill, it muft be owned, 
that the fine Paris of old, which had fo much 
attra6lion for every man of tafte, of educa- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 151 

tion, and good breeding, can only be met 
with in thefe fele£t focieties. I will not 
blame Madame Bonaparte, who lived as maid 
of honour to the late queen, for lighing after 
the only refpeftable fociety at Paris ; but fhe 
mull renounce the happinefs of feeing thefe 
perfons in her fuite at court. Many in- 
ducements have certainly been given them ; 
but they all feem to fay ; reftore us the old 
court, with all its appendages ; that will -be 
well : but we Ihall never be brought to ac- 
knowledge thefe upftarts for its rightful 
owners. 

The very caufe which renders Mad. Bona- 
parte fo delirous to affociate with the old no- 
bleffe, muft induce the latter to keep at a 
diftance. There is nothing of that politenefs, 
cafe, vivacity and grace, which lignalifed the 
focieties at the royal court. Every body flares 
with a flavifli gaze at the Firfl Conful, who 
treats them indifcriminately in a dry, cold, 
gnd harlh manner. He fometimes attempts 



152 BONAPARTE 

to be polite or witty, but his politenefs is a 
proud condefcenfion, and his wit is fatire. 
There is always fomething rough or low in his 
way of expreffing himfelf. He frequently 
makes ufe of terms, only to be found in the 
mouth of the upftart foldier, and profcribed 
by all good company. He is capable of uling 
the moft abufive language with the greateft in- 
difference. The tone of his voice is deep and 
hoarfe, and what he fays is often accompanied 
with fuch a difagreeable laugh, that nobody 
can feel eafy with him, even when he attempts 
to fay the molt agreeable things. 

The highefl officers of ftate muft fometimes 
hear themfelves addreffed by epithets, which 
certainly never efcaped the lips of a fovereign. 
If he think he has caught one of his minifters 
or privy counfellors in fomething contradic- 
tory, he frequently fays, " vous etes tin homme 
de mauvaife foi ;" or — " vous me trompez." — 
(You are a man not to be trufted — you cheat 
me.) 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. \si 

He ufes no reftraint in this refpe6l with his 
own wife. He can publicly addrefs her in the 
feverell manner, if, by chance, he do not 
approve of her drefs and deportment, as being 
too free, too improper, or unbecoming. The 
beautiful Mad. Tallien, the intimate friend of 
Mad. Bonaparte, when once, after a fomewhat 
long abfence of her hufband, fhe appeared in 
a vilible ftate of pregnancy in her faloon, 
which was full of company, Ihe was afked 
by him, quite loud and fternly, how ihe could 
dare to appear in this ftate before his wife ! 
and he then ordered her inftantly to leave the 
room. 

'the prefent wife of M. Talleyrand, who is 
reported not always to have a£led the part of 
a rigid prude, when Madame Grand, was 
complimented by him, at her firft introduction 
into the circle of Mad. Bonaparte, in the fol- 
lowing manner : — " ^'efpere, que Mad, Tal- 
leyrand, /era ouhlier Madame Grand." The 
poor woman is faid to have anfwered in the 



154 BONAPARTE 

greateft confufion — " that fhe would always 
be proud to follow the example of Mad. Bona- 
parte." — If Mad. Talleyrand had been looked 
upon as a lady of parts, her anfwer might 
have been thought a witty one. 

When the principal fingers at the opera, 
who had performed Haydn's oratorio of the 
Creation, on the evening after the explofion of 
the infernal machine, went to him in a body, 
to exprefs their joy on his efcape, he faid 
to them — " vous avez chant e comme des co- 
chons." 

At the diffolution of the national inftitute, 
when it was again divided into the four old 
academies, and the latter refufed to receive 
among them as members thofe muficians and 
players who had been admitted to the inftitute, 
Bonaparte faid to one of them — " les mathe- 
7naticiens vous jeiteront le pot de chambre fur 
la tite, Us ne veulent plus devous." 

Even the foreign ambaffadors, who are re-> 
fpe6led in all civilized courts as the reprefen- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 155 

tatives of their fovereign's perfon, can never 
think themfelves fecure againft his ofFenfive 
and injurious language, neither at the levee, 
nor at Mad. Bonaparte's galas. 

The Britilh and Swredifh ambalTadors have 
frequently experienced his rudenefs and ill 
humor during laft winter ; and, if he even 
cbofe to fay any thing agreeable, it was ge- 
nerally dire6led to another, Handing near, to 
whom he owed a grudge. 

His air and deportment are indeed more 
dignified than could be expeded from fuch a 
little meagre body, with an unmeaning yellow 
face; yet even there, the fixed charafter of 
the inward man, is difcoverable. He Ihews 
by no means that humane difpofition and fen- 
fibility which, added to a noble deportment, 
attract and enchant every beholder. This 
will hardly ever be his happy lot ; and of all 
the weak and cringing attendants, who appear 
trembling and terrified before this high and 
mighty chieftain, few will be found with a 



156 BONAPARTE 

feeling attachment to him. They will, per- 
haps, appear fatisfied, when they have had 
the good fortune to come oflFunofFended, and 
more fo, if by chance they have caught a 
friendly nod from him ; but, furely, they 
muft watch him eagerly, if they wilh for fuch 
an honor ; for his flifF neck bends but flightly 
either to a prince or at the fhrine of female 
beauty. 

At the grand public levees, and on the gala 
days, which are regularly kept every month, 
this noble pair have all the afFeftation and for- 
mality of the moft ancient courts of Europe ; 
the bending of the knee is the only ceremony 
not yet introduced. Every body is compelled 
to appear in a courtly drefs. The Firft Conful 
does not put on a military uniform on thofe 
days ; but, with the exception of the bag, he is 
in complete court drefs, yet always of the fame 
cut and colour. He wears his richly embroi- 
dered confular robes over it. The two other 
Confuls are dreffed in the fame manner ; and 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 157 

his minifters appear in their ftate uniforms. 
The uniform of the counfellors of ftate has 
been worn by him on a few occalions. His 
military guard and his retinue are, on every 
fuch day, very numerous and fplendid. 

From the Second Conful down to the lowefl 
private of the guards at the gate, every one 
has his fixed place affigned him, which he 
dares not leave for a lingle moment, and where 
he remains immovable, flaring at his neigh- 
bour, who is alfo fattened to the ground, 
without fpeaking a fingle word. Bonaparte 
alone goes the rounds in the circle formed only 
by the ambaffadors and foreigners of diftinc- 
tion. The minifter of foreign affairs, now 
M. Talleyrand, can only enter this circle, 
when a new ambaffador is to be prefented. 

Bonaparte fliould always have this piece of 
ftufF at his fide as a foil. It is impoflible to 
fee a more lifelefs, ill-fhaped machine, hung 
out with a wide glittering ftate uniform, than 
this Talleyrand. The greateft relaxation of 



158 BONAPARTE 

the body, with hollow cheeks, and a death- 
like eye, announce the profligate, broken- 
down and enervated fenfualift. His worn- 
out carcafe is moved on ilowly in fhort, un- 
certain fteps by a pair of club feet. His tardy, 
loathfome utterance fhew the fatiated, dis- 
dainful ftate of his mind ; he muft, indeed, 
be a great phyfiognomifl, who could difcover 
the fine, cunning, ex-bifhop and flatefman, 
who dupes France and Europe, hy this dif- 
gufting lifelefs cover, by the fmall remains 
of fire Hill vifible in his eyes, and by the in- 
fipid fallow hue of his complexion. 

No Frenchman, fince Mirabeau, was ever 
fo generally and fo decidedly ftamped with 
the double charafter of the utmoft moral de- 
pravity and the greateft fuperiority in the fa- 
culties of the mind. Mirabeau, though he 
fianalized himfelf during the revolution as a 
flatefman and orator, though in full polTeffion 
of popular favor, ftill fhewed great energy 
and art to eftablifh a conftitutional monarchy. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 159 

for he would have nothing elfe ; he deftroyed 
himfelf by his extravagancies and profligacy, 
which foon brought him to the grave, and 
only the fame of his moral turpitude has out- 
lived him. 

This fenfual pliant bifhop of Autun, was 
from the beginning of the revolution the friend 
and companion of Mirabeau, in all his de- 
baucheries. He, Talleyrand Perigord, de- 
fcended from one of the moft ancient families 
of France, was the firft who refigned his cle- 
rical dignity, and polluted his noble defcenfc 
to fide with the Tiers etat, when they de- 
manded in the national affembly the equilifa- 
tion of all orders, under the direction of Sieyes 
and Mirabeau. He formed the fecret com- 
mittee with Sieyes and eight other members, 
who drew up the plan of the firft conftitu- 
tion. He was in conjunQion with Mirabeau 
and Sieyes, the firft founder of the jacobin 
club, and afterwards of the new club of ja- 
cobins in 1789. He was the firft who pro- 



160 BONAPARTE 

pofed the general fale of all clerical property. 
He maintained that the clergy had not the 
right of fecular proprietors, and that it was 
in the power of government to apply their re- 
venues deftined to defray the expences of 
public worfhip to other purpofes. He flood 
up as a champion againil the clergy and no- 
blemen of France, who demanded the Roman 
Catholic religion, the fole reignins one in 
France. He endeavoured to obtain for 
Mirabeau, Voltaire, and RoulTeau, the ho- 
nor of being depofited in the Pantheon, 
formerly the church of St. Genevieve. He 
celebrated mafs on the altar of liberty, 
in the field of Mars, at the grand fef- 
tival of the federation. He confecrated the 
colors of the departments, and called them 
the facred banners of liberty. But, as foon 
as the conftitutional party found itfelf em- 
barraffed, and in a precarious ftate, he was the 
firft to defert it, and had the art to obtain 
from the minifter a fecret miffion to England. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 1«I 

When he was fent out of that country, he 
fought an afylum, with feveral other emigrants 
in America. When his name was difcovered 
in thofe private papers of the king, which 
were taken from a fecret defk, and on which 
the chief accufations againft the unfortunate 
good monarch were founded, he was put on 
the lift of emigrants by the national conven- 
tion. He availed himfelf of a favourable mo- 
ment, and induced the very fame convention 
that had figned his profcription, to erafe his 
name'^from the lift, and to reinftate him in 
all his property. He then returned to France, 
and was appointed minifter by the direflory, 
which fuperfeded this convention. Sieyes, 
who too well knew the episcopal renegado, 
came into the directory, and Talleyrand 
thought proper to retire, loaded with immenfe 
riches. An unfortunate honeft German was 
fubftituted by him to weather the ftorm, 
which arofe during the dreadful epoch of a 

dire6lorial commiflion. He knew how to 

y 



162 BONAPARTE 

fupplanfc this man, as foon as it was fate to 

re-enter the miniilry. 

In conjunflion with Lucien Bonaparte, his 
confidant and companion in his debaucheries, 
he had, in the mean time, by fecret intrigues, 
plotted the return of Napoleon Bonaparte 
from Egypt ; he, v/ith the latter, prepared the 
blow which was to be levelled againfl Barras, 
the firft promoter of Bonaparte's exaltation, 
and Sieyes, the old rival of this ex-bifhop : 
they fucceeded. Bonaparte flood at the head 
as Firfl Conful, and Talleyrand as principal 
minifter, hy his fide ; what he has done for 
the laft four years, whilft in this important 
office, is fufficiently notorious ; but it is, 
perhaps, lefs known, that by his example 
the mod infamous bribery has been intro- 
duced into all public offices in JFrance. Bri- 
bery was always more frequent there, than in 
any other country ; but fome forms and de- 
cency were ftill obferved. It was neceffary 
at leaft to find out lome pretext, if any body 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 163 

wiflied to move the heart of the minifter and 
his underlings, by the grand and univerfal 
foftener of feelings. At prefent there is no 
need of it. The minifter and his commiffary 
fay exaftly like the French general and 
his quarter-mafter in an enemy's country, 
'^ II me faut tant," — (I muft have fo much.) 
If you r&fufe me, you ftiall have nothing, 
whatever your right or claim may be. 

It may alfo not be fo well known abroad as 
it is at Paris, that it was Talleyrand who 
chiefly effefted the recal of the noblemen and 
clergy. This man, who formerly ordered the 
feizure of their property, and thereby- pre- 
pared their profcription ; who violently op- 
pofed them when they wanted the reftoration 
of the catholic faith, the only one tolerated in 
France, now labours to the fame purpofe. He 
applied even to the pope for a difpenfation to 
marry a woman with whom he had long coha- 
bited, and whom he might have married be- 
fore, like his other brothers in iniquity. We, 



164 BONAPARTE 

the trumpeting advocate of the rights of man : 
the moft ardent combatant againft lotteries, 
and all kind of gambling : he is now the chief 
inftriiment of a government, that tramples 
upon all rights of men indifcriminately, and 
draws a very great income from lotteries and 
licences for public gambling-houfes of all 
kinds. He, the worfhipper of Mirabeau, Vol- 
taire, and Rouffeau, is now the handle of 
a defpot, a fworn enemy to thefe men, who 
hates freedom of opinion ; who llrives to an- 
nihilate all liberal inftruftion. He may fay 
again, as he did in his late defence, " I am 
minifter for foreign affairs, and have nothing 
to do with the home department :" but every 
one who has watched him, knows very well 
what he chiefly aims at. Even by the moft 
expenfive and fumptuous ftyle in which he 
lives, he cannot fpend his income. He looks 
upon himfelf therefore with the moft purfe- 
proud complacency ; and treats every body 
who has tp deal with him in the moft arrq- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 1C5 

gant and contemptuous manner. Foreigners 
of the highefl; rank, nay, even foreign ladies 
of diftin6lion, muft be prefented to him in the 
fame manner as to Bonaparte ; and he fcaroe- 
ly condefcends to fpeak to them, difpatching 
them fometimes with a hum or a nod. His 
powder over the chief conful increafes daily, 
and muft increafe, as he is the only one who 
is thoroughly verfed in a thoufand things, 
which Bonaparte and his neareft attendants 
know nothing of. 

Another pompous ecclefiaftic, clumfy as 
he may appear, is Cardinal Caprara, who has 
a greater influence over Bonaparte than per- 
haps may be fuppofed : the power of thefe 
two has been the fubje61; of a very good cari- 
cature in Paris. It reprefents the miferable 
figure of Talleyrand with his club feet, feizing 
both hands of Bonaparte, and making him 
dance, whiift the fmiling and fimpering car- 
dinal is playing the fiddle. This print, which 
no one will dare perhaps to expofe, originated 



166 BONAPARTE 

with Bonaparte himfelf. He ventured one 
evening, when only a fmall party affembled 
at Madame Bonaparte's, to dance with his 
dear ftep-daughter, Madame Lucien : he per- 
formed rather awkwardly, as this was his firft 
attempt of the kind— fo moft likely will it be 
the laft. Even on this merry occafion, he 
found an opportunity of fhewing his defpotic 
and unfeeling, heart. When it came into his 
head to dance, he took off his fword and 
offered it to the next bye-ftander, without 
looking at him. This bye-ftander happened 
unfortunately to be an officer of rank, who 
thought it againft the point of honor to ac- 
cept it, and therefore ftepped back to wait till 
one of the fervants might come and take it. 
Bonaparte then looked at this officer fternly, 
and faid, in a terrible hoarfe kind of voice, 
" Mais oui ! je me fuis bun ti'ompc." He 
then made a iign to a general, on whofe rea- 
dinefs he could depend, and gave him the 
fword, which he fnatched with great eager- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 167 

nefs. When the too punctilious officer re- 
turned home, he aheady found an order, by 
which he was diredled to depart on the next 
day for St. Domingo. A young officer is 
reported to have fhared the very fame fate, 
on account of his being too merry, and im- 
prudently jumping upon the Firft Conful's 
foot. 

The re-ellablilliment of the Roman Catho- 
lic religion occalioned another caricature, in 
which Bonaparte is reprefented as falling from 
the arms of the goddefs of Vi6lory on his 
nofe, againft the holy water pot. It is a pity- 
that no caricaturift from England was prefent 
at this time, to obferVe the awkwardnefs which 
the novice fhewed on every occafion. Many 
public ceremonies might have furnifhed rich 
matter, as, for inftance, the manner in which 
the perfonal fafety of Bonaparte was to be fe- 
cured on Eafter-day, the grand feftival of the 
re-introdu6lion of the Roman Catholic reli- 
gion. They had ere£led in the church of 



168 BONAPARTE 

Notre Dame (which is a mafter-piece of 
Gothic archite6lure,) a fmall chapel with 
wooden, painted columns in the choir, clofe 
before the grand altar. Bonaparte, with 
his fervants, was ftiut up and entirely fepa- 
rated from the reft of the congregation, in 
order that he might be fecure againft any at- 
tempt on his life. But this unlightly build- 
ing did not only ftiut up the paffage to 
the choir, it entirely prevented the people 
aflembled in this fpacious church from fee- 
ing the altar, on which high mafs was 
celebrated. 

The more than royal pomp obferved on this 
OGcafion ; the affemblage of all the orders of 
ftate, civil and military ; the rich liveries of 
the fervants of the Cojiful and his miniflers ; 
the foreign ambaffadors, who were ordered to 
appear in their coaches and four ; the many 
coftly trappings which adorned the family, 
from the crown-diamond at Bonaparte's fword 
down to the laces and rob^s of mother, wife. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE* 169 

fifters, and fifters-in-law ; all this prefented a 
moll remarkable, republican light. 

Our hero was met by the high clergy at the 
entrance of the church, while the guns were 
firing a falute in honor of this reformed, 
chriftian king, who bent the knee at the high 
mafs, celebrated by the Cardinal Legate, and 
in return, received the oath from the bifhops. 
All thefe fine things and perfons, in contrail 
with all thefe grand, political and fpiritual 
peace-makers, the honeft Mamelukes clofe 
by their fearful mailer, on the ivatch for the 
prefer vation of his facred life ; this, indeed, 
was a curious fpe6lacle. 

The Parifiian populace was delighted ; they 
vociferated their applaufes and loud huzzas 
around the ftiewmen ; but they betrayed not 
that fpirit which was formerly exhibited at 
the grand feftival of the federation. The 
police ordered the houfes of fome ftreets to 
be lighted up, and this illumination conclud- 
ed the day. 



iro BONAPARTE 

It is reported that the letters of indulgence 
which the Cardinal Legate offered for fale on 
this, and thirty fucceflive days, did not 
find many purchafers, though they contained 
a full abfolution and fpiritual pardon for every 
fin committed during the laft ten years, and 
for every one who would go to confeffion, 
and devoutly receive the facred hoft. The 
common people even went fo far as to laugh 
and pafs their jokes upon it. 

The official papers, and chiefly the Moniteur, 
exulted in the pretended harmony of the Roman 
and Proteftant churches, and the reconciliation 
of all fe6ls and parties, under the banners of 
republicanifm, as they were pleafed to call it. 
They rejoiced at the defeat of fophiftry, and 
at the grand union of the Gallican church 
with the Papal chair. Some of the adverfa- 
ries of the concordat certainly fpoke another 
language. The conftitutional bilhop of An- 
gouleme, de Combe, and the fenator ex- 
bifliop, Gregoire, publiflied fome letters to 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 171 

fliew how far a union of the Gallican church 
with the Papal chair might be carried ; what 
degree of refpefl; was due to the legate, and 
in what light the concordat ought to be looked 
upon. They were very impertinent in their 
affertions, and maintained that they had no 
need of pardon, but that they, on the con- 
trary, had the right to pardon others. The 
legate demanded a recantation, which they 
refufed. The forgivenefs he offered was re- 
je6led with contempt. He is ftill every 
where expofed to the witticifm of the philo- 
fophers, and to the accufations of the molt 
contemptible among the conftitutional priefts. 
With the naturalifts and theophilanthropifts, 
Mr. Legate will fare ftill worfe, when they 
learn that he has now obtained from the 
Conful the fuppreffion of ail their public 
meetings. 

The cardinal writes, indeed, in rather too 
common a ftyle for a refined Frenchman. He 
begins his grand annunciation of indulgence 



172 BONAPARTE 

in thefe words : " War is at laft ended, and 
all Frenchmen rejoice at it ; but they rejoice 
Hill more on account of the re-introdu6lion 
of the Roman Catholic religion, and the re- 
covery of their old liberty." After many low 
and hackneyed expreffions in honour of the 
Firfl Conful and the Pope, he calls upon the 
French to free themfelves from the bondage 
of the devil by the water of penitence, and 
promifes to every one the ample forgivenefs 
and remiffion of all their fms, if they will go 
and confefs to any prieft they chufe. 

For the common clafs of the nation he has 
again been too ready in following the econo- 
mical ideas of the Firfl: Conful, and abolifii- 
ing all holy days, only leaving them four, 
namely, Chriftmas, Afcenfion, the AfTumption 
of the BlelTed Virgin, and All Saints. They 
certainly are not kept too much from their 
labor, nor too frequently reftrained from 
going to mafs ; but as the Proteftants have 
now more holy days than the Catholics in 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 173 

France, and as the common people are rather 
inclined that way, their difpofition to turn 
Proteftants may ftill be increafed by this cir- 
cumftance. In the Prytaneum and other Pa- 
rilian fchools, fuch a difpofition has frequently 
manifelted itfelf among the pupils, and their 
parents have not always refafed their confent ; 
yet government has prohibited it. 

This inclination has ftiewn itfelf ftill more 
in the departments, where whole families have 
turned Proteftants to efcape the hateful ty^ 
ranny of priefts over their confciences. Among 
the inhabitants of feveral towns, at Amiens 
for inftance, and at Aries, more Proteftants 
are to be found than one fliould imagine. Go- 
vernment is very attentive to this ; and it has 
more than once been reported, that it was in- 
tended to obtain a brevet from the holy Fa- 
ther, by which every one ftiould be prohibit- 
ed from changing his religion, unlefs particu= 
larly licenfed by government. 



i74> BONAPARTE 

It muft revolt every impartial obferver, 
to hear that all thofe men who are now placed 
in the higheft offices, make ufe of the appel- 
lations, Proteftant,Encyclopediaft, Illuminati, 
Democrat, Jacobin, Terrorift, Man of Blood, 
(homme de fang,) as denoting one and the 
fame thing. A Mr, Fievee, who lately pub- 
liflied a fmall book againft the philofophers 
of the eighteenth century and the Englilh, 
very properly, and with great naivete, defines 
this philofophy in tlie following manner : 
" Pour moi lorfque je dis philofophie du xviii. 
Siecle j'entends tout ce qui ejl faux en morale, 
en legijlation et en politique.* 

It is., indeed, as if men were only capable 
of impartial and found judgment, as long as 
they ftand below, and inftantly miftake every 



* As for me, by the philofophy of the eighteenth century, I ur- 
ierfland whatever is falfe in legiflation, morality, and politics. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 175 

thing as foon as they have climbed up the hill ; 
or, is it only, when placed on high, that men 
can difcov€r the littlenefs of the world below, 
and the folly or wickednefs of thofe who try 
to, foar above their fellows ? If the latter be 
the. cafe, who will blame the tyrant, if fur- 
rounded by bafe, felfilh, fliamelefs flatterers, 
and hungry flaves — if greeted by the abje6l 
rabble — if dreaded and belied by all, as 
far as his eye can reach ; I fay, who will 
blame him, if he then defpife mankind, and 
think them incapable and unworthy of ge- 
nuine liberty and true wifdom, which muft 
go hand in hand in the road that leads 
to happinefs. Who will blame him, if he 
yield to this painful thought, after having 
feen a whole talkative nation, overlooking his 
public violence, and the clandeftine manoeu- 
vres, by which he and his helpmates raifed 
themfelves ; exhaufling itfelf in all the terms 
and expreffions of flattery towards him ; if 
after being publicly extolled like a god by his 



ire BONAPARTE 

execrable and fawning ex-bifhop : after feeing 
every one worfhipping the new deity, who 
will blame him, if fatiated, and loathing 
fulfome endlefs praifes, he defcries a mean 
orator before him, beginning his fpeech with 
expreflions of hypocritical forrow to his maf- 
ter, who endowed with godlike indulgence, 
is ftill too rigorous in not allowing the 
high praifes which gratitude is anxious to 
beftow; who profanely fays, that heaven, un- 
willing to grant all celeftial gifts to man, had 
only refufed Bonaparte the courage to hear 
his well-deferved panegyric publicly pro- 
nounced. Who then can blame the tyrant, 
if he trample upon fuch mean and truly con- 
temptible beings.* 

By fuch homages offered to him on all 
fides, and not interrupted hy one fingle found 



* The above were the very words by which Dutheil, the tranfla- 
tor of Plutarch's effay on the means to diftinguifli a flatterer from 
/ a friend, addrefled the Firft Conful, congratalating him on the ref- 

toration of peace, in the name of the national inftitute. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 177 

of reproach or juft remonftrance, the intoxi- 
cated conqueror muft forget himfelf, and that 
he has ftifled the voice of truth; the moll 
refokite among the cunning will now bend 
their knee to the tyrant, whofe fury infli6ls 
an equal punilhment on the man who fpoke 
freely, and on the bravado who drew his 
dagger; but with eager and revengeful looks 
will he watch the moment, when he can 
plunge the weapon into his breaft. If the 
daring, and hitherto fortunate ufurper, be 
not the moll artful, not the moft watch- 
ful among the infidious, not the quick- 
eft to punilhment among the revengeful ; 
he will not be fecured againft the em- 
brace of a treacherous Judas, who may give 
the lignal for his defl;ru6lion. Nay, be he 
ever fo obfervant, Hill he may, in the pre- 
tended embrace, meet his doom. — Dreadful 
exillence ! 

Bonaparte, difgufted at all the flatteries 

which the Parifians lavilhed upon him, now 
A A 



178 BONAPARTE 

in expe6lation of the Englifh ambaffador, 
who delayed his arrival till the month of 
November, went to Rouen, Havre, and the 
weftern coaft, to put every thing in a better 
ftate of defence, and to receive the homage 
of the provinces. The public offices and mu- 
nicipalities of thefe towns were not backward 
in their compliments ; they vied with each 
other, and poured in vollies of congratulations 
upon the Firfl Conful and his lady, and thefe 
were moft gracioufly received by the noble 
couple. The municipalities, the clergy, the 
citizens, and their daughters, always dire£led 
their fpeeches, accompanied with prefents, to 
each of them feparately. A clergyman in his 
fpeech called Bonaparte " L'homme de la 
droite du tres haut, qui commande le refpeB 
et I' etonnement a tout I'univers." The inno- 
cent girls at Beauvais, who under the protec- 
tion of the fpeech-maker, might have drawn 
the traits of their hero with all the livelittefs of 
their imagination, called him, " Le herculc 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 179 

fran^ois ; to whom they offered their liba- 
tion and gifts (facrifices et libations.) They 
muft have been thunderftruck with the un- 
expe6ted little, meagre, yellow figure, under 
which their hero appeared. But hired orators 
are not fo over-nice in thefe matters, for they 
fpoke even of " graces touks puijfantes," 
of " vertus" and of " inepuifable honte ce- 
kjle dont voits etes la plus feduifante image"' 
When they addreffed Madame Bonaparte, the 
popular air beginning with the words, " Oit 
pent on etre mieux qu'au fein de fa famille," 
which had been written in honor of Louis 
XVI. and his beautiful queen, was publicly 
fung, and applied to Bonaparte and his wife, 
at Havre ; but as a proof how far the French 
had loft all fenfe of propriety, they com- 
plimented the Englifh ambaffador juft ar- 
rived at Calais, with the fame air, and al- 
moft at the fame time. 

People abroad could not find out the reafon 
why Madame Bonaparte always accompanied 



180 BONAPARTE 

her hufband on thefe excurfions, and why 
fuch a train of fervants and military always 
followed them at the expence of the public. 
The conftant proximity of Madame Bonaparte 
at table, and at night (for the Conful never 
dines without her, and always fleeps in the 
fame bed with her.) is nothing elfe than a 
well calculated manoeuvre for his perfonal 
fafety. A thoufand little things, tending in 
appearance only to their comfort, which are 
carefully obferved every night, and in every 
houfe where they chance to fleep, would ap- 
pear to Frenchmen, as very defpicable little 
meafures for his perfonal fafety alone. Ma- 
dame Bonaparte alfo knows, like the reft of 
the family, how to infure fome benefit and 
profit for herfelf from thefe pretty excurfions; 
why then ftiould he rob her of the opportu- 
nity ? — There never was perhaps a princefs, or 
a favourite miftrefs of a fovereign, who was 
fo eager for every thing, that the country 
and the inhabitants can aflFord, than this wo- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 181 

man. If this be contrafled with the unheard 
of prodigality, by which Bonaparte enriches 
all his brothers : it can be explained either: by 
fuppoflng all the French and Italian members 
of the family, infefted with the meanefl and 
moft infatiable avarice, or by imagining in 
them a due fenfe of their precarious ftate, 
and a defign to be fomewhat prepared for the 
worfl. 

The roads which Bonaparte had to pafs, 
were guarded by numerous detachments of 
troops, who followed him, whilft he was al- 
ways clofely furrounded by his own guards. 
He had there an opportunity of perceiving 
that he was no longer the darling and the firft 
hero of the army. The troops who fliortly 
before exprelTed on feveral occafions their 
zeal and enthufiafm for Moreau, behaved 
with great coolnefs, and were quite iilent 
whilft he was near. He was more than once 
compelled to hear the complaints of the army, 
as to their being abfolutely negleded. 



182 BONAPARTE 

Though the price of provifions has rifcn to 
the double and treble of former times, the 
common French foldier has ftill no more than 
the old daily pay of five French fous, and 
a pound and a half of bread : the infantry and 
cavalry have the fame fcanty allowance. The 
grenadiers, who are picked from the battalion, 
have only fix fous. Of this money, which is 
paid every fifth day, very little goes into the 
hand of the foldier. The corporal, with whom 
ten or twelve are generally compelled to board, 
receives their pay, and, after indemnifying him- 
felf, divides the remainder. The foldier is ftill 
worfe ofF at prefent, as all common and public 
labor on the road or in the fields is prohibit- 
ed. If he be brought up a mechanic, he 
may pra6life his bufinefs at home ; ftill he 
muft have the leave of his commander to 
do fo. 

It is not the infufficient pay alone which 
renders the foldier difcontented; his being in- 
differently cloathed, and badly mounted, adds 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 183 

to it. The army had been promifed new and 
better uniform lince the peace. The infantry- 
were to have been drefTed in white, inftead of 
their prefent blue coats ; and the feveral corps 
were to be diftinguifhed by facings of a different 
color. A few regiments have received their 
new cloaths, but none are yet dreffed in white. 
The old blue uniforms are, fince the laft war, 
grown very ragged ; and the foldier is more 
fenfible of this negle6l, as he daily hears of 
the increaling magnificence at the court of 
the conful, his former general, and often 
fees that many of his commanders now live 
fumptuoufly on their large eftates in the pro- 
vinces. The common foldier will always be 
offended at fuch negle61;, as he does not un- 
derhand how much is required to clothe an 
army, amounting to half a million of men, 
and to provide horfes for the cavalry. The 
paying of the arrears to the army, which had 
been due to fome regiments even for two years, 
has been effeded with great pains : though all 



184 BONAPARTE 

the army is now paid up, but the navy is ftill 
in arrears. 

The foldier alfo complains of the wretched 
ftate of the miUtary hofpitals, eflablifhed in 
the greater cities of France : more than one 
invalid, nay even the dead and the living 
often lie together in one bed. The fick fol- 
dier is reported to be kept very indiflFerently, 
though two-thirds are deduced from his pay, 
as long as he Hays at the hofpital. Of the 
other feparate military hofpitals for venereal 
patients, amounting to about ten or twelve, 
ftill greater complaint is made, though their 
pay ceafes as long as they remain there. 

The purchafe of the horfes wanted for the 
cavalry has, fince the peace, been left to the 
care of the commanders of the regiments, who 
fadiy negle6l this part of their duty. The fum 
allotted by government for that purpofe, which 
has not always been paid in full, is by far too 
fmall even to purchafe tolerable ones. Many 
regiments, who dare not accept of the Nor- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 185 

man, Limofin, and Auvergne horfes, on 
account of their being too fmall, muft bring 
them from Holfatia at a great expence ; and 
it may be faid with truth, that the half of the 
French cavalry is not mounted at all, and the 
other half very ill.* The cavalry is, there- 
fore, compelled to ferve difmounted, and 
is not a little offended at it. 

The confular guard, which is provided with 
every thing, and of the beft materials, ex- 
cites the jealoufy and the difcontent of the 
t^ops of the line ftill more. It confifts of 
8000 men, and is continually increafing : 
they are well paid, very comfortably cloathed, 
and well mounted. The privates have 25 fols 
a day, and the officers have a proportionate 



* The horfes of the French cavalry are poorly kept, and have 
no ftrength. A great deal of hay and ilraw is given them, but 
very little oats. The daily allowance amounts to ten pounds 
of hay, ten of ftraw, and hardly five of oats. During winter 
when they are little exercifed, this allowance is leflened, parti- 
cularly ftraw. 

B B 



186 BONAPARTE 

addition. They are equipped and mounted 
by government. The confular guard, in the 
eleventh year of the republic (1803,) ^^^" 
lifted of two battalions of grenadiers, and 
two battalions of chaffeurs on foot (4000,) 
of fix fquadrons of grenadiers, and fix fqua- 
drons of chafleurs, mounted (2600.) All 
thefe men are picked from the troops of the 
line, and thofe only chofen who bear a good 
charader as to condu6t and bravery. The 
confialar horfe guards are quartered in bar- 
racks clofe by the Thuilleries, Malmaifon, Sec. 
His foot guards have their quarters in the 
buildings of the military fchool, and in other 
parts of the town. 

A company of horfe artillery, provided 
with eight guns, is attached to them. They 
are alfo quartered at the military fchool, and 
have every thing ready to march at a mo- 
ment's notice. At the grand military parade 
this company muft be prefent, and it paffes in 
review before the Firft Conful, always ia full 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 187 

trot; probably to ftrike the Parifian popu- 
lace with greater awe. 

The Conful alfo keeps a corps of Mame- 
lukes, amounting to 400 men, for his private 
fervice. It is compofed of Greeks, Copts, 
Turks, and Frenchmen, who have lived forae 
time at the Levant. They are dreffed, armed, 
equipped and mounted in the Egyptian ftyle, 
and are commanded hy officers who have been 
in Egypt. The privates of this corps receive 
fifty fous daily. 

The Firft Conful has befides a corps of 
cavalry always at hand, called gendarmerie 
d'elite," which amounts to 800 men felefted 
from all the brigades of the genfdarmes of the 
interior. A troop of difmounted cavalry, 
containing 600 men, is attached to it. The 
privates of the horfe guards receive a daily- 
pay of five French livres ; the privates in the 
difmounted troops three livres, but they muft 
provide their horfes, uniforms, and other ne- 
ceffaries at their own expence. They are 



188 BONAPARTE 

quartered in barracks near the arfenal, and 
are employed to execute the orders of the 
general police, called haute police. 

The other corps of genfdarmes are difperfed 
all over France, and have the fame fervices to 
perform, which were formerly intrufted to the 
Marechauffee. They are to affiil the police, 
to purfue and feize criminal or fufpefted per- 
fons. They are all mounted, and have three, 
livres per day. The troops of the line defpife 
them as well as the confular guards ; and 
quarrels generally enfue when they meet. If 
any revolutionary trouble Ihould take place, 
they would certainly fight again ft each other. 

The troops of the line amounted, at the 
beginning of the 12th year of the republic 
(1803,) to one hundred half brigades of re- 
gular infantry [infanterie de hataille,) each 
confifting of three battalions, and each of the 
latter containing looo men of thirty-two half 
brigades of light infantry, compofed of the 
fame number ; of two regiments of carabi- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 189 

neers, and twenty of heavy horfe, compofed of 
four fquadrons, containing 160 horfes each. 
Of the latter heavy horfe, eight regiments 
fhould wear cuiraffes, but only two do fo. Of 
twenty regiments of dragoons, and twenty- 
three regiments of huflars, and chalTeur a. 
cheval; each compofed of four fquadrons, 
containing 200 men. The artillery confills 
of eight regiments of infantry, each amount- 
ing to 1000 rank and file ; of eight regiments 
of horfe artillery, each amounting to 600 rank 
and file; of four battalions oi fappeurs ; as 
many miners ; and two of pioneers ; amount- 
ing in the whole to between five and fix thou- 
fand men. The total of the French army 
was, at that period, more than half a million 
rank and file, befides the corps of invalids, and 
the feveral corps of veterans, compofed of old 
foldiers unable to do duty, and now gar- 
rifoned in fortrelfes, forts, and towns; re- 
ceiving the fame pay as the troops of the 
line. 



190 BONAPARTE 

The army was, by no means, complete at 
the clofe of the laft war ; and ftrong and fevere 
meafures became neceffary to recruit it. Thefe 
often occafioned refiftance and bloodfhed. 

The levies of confcripts, on a large fcale, be- 
came neceffary, as many young men, who had 
been forced into the army, demanded their 
difcharge at their return, which had been 
promifed them at the conclufion of peace. 
There is an order or law, by which it is 
enafted, that the eighth part of each corps 
fhall annually be difchargedin rotation— viz. 
the eldeft in fervice, firft. Thefe were to be 
replaced by confcripts of the ninth and tenth 
years. They were young men of all claffes, 
who had attained their twentieth year in thefe 
two years of the republic (1801, 1802.) Thofe 
foldiers whofe turn it came to be difcharged, 
might have remained in the regiment, and 
made a compromife with any other who wifhed 
to leave it ; yet this has been of late refl rained, 
nor has the firfl regulation been obferved. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 191 

Indeed, no fixed plan for the recruiting of 
the army is yet eftablifhed in France, and pro- 
vifionary means only are adopted. A lift is 
made out of all the young men, and another 
of the vacancies in the regiments. The latter 
have diftri6ts afligned them, where they are to 
receive their firft complement. 

They fent there for this purpofe com- 
miflioned and non-commiffioned officers. 
The confcripts muft affemble at the chief 
town of the diftrift. The officers of the 
cavalry have the refufal ; and the remainder 
is left for the infantry. As all the confcripts 
have not been wanted to fill up the vacancies 
in the army, it has been the cuftom of the 
young men to draw lots twice : once for the 
regular, and the fecond time for the army of 
referve. This latter does not exift in reality : 
but the confcripts on whom the lot falls to enter 
this imaginary army, are, from that moment, 
at the difpofal of government, and may be 
aflfembled in time of need. They are drilled 



192 BONAPARTE 

occafionally. It has not been fettled how 
long a foldier ought to have ferved, to be 
intitled to his difcharge. 

In the levies of the confcripts many abufes 
take place. A number of young men gene- 
rally take to flight, or conceal themfelves : as 
the recruiting officers muft have their comple- 
ment, thefe vacancies are inftantly filled up by 
others; yet the regiments, after they have their 
full number, flill purfue the deferters with the 
greateft rigor, and lay hold of them wher- 
ever they find them ; and thefe poor men are 
generally taken to the regiment, when they 
are compelled to ferve, inftead of thofe fol- 
diers who can pay fomething for their dif- 
charge. This trade is moftly carried on by 
the commander of the regiment alone. 

The national, which have degenerated 
into mere town guards, daily dwindle in 
number, and Bonaparte is not difpleafed at 
it. He has left that decree unexecuted, hy 
which the confuls in the ninth year of the re- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 193 

public, ordered the raising of two regiments of 
national guards of cavalry, and two of infan- 
try, to do garrison duty at Paris. He has left 
this service to the veterans, and some half 
brigades, and to a regiment of dragoons, who 
might be better depended upon. The consu- 
lar guards do duty only at the palaces of the 
First Consul, and in their barracks. He has, 
by a late decree, entirely abolished the national 
guards at Paris ; and ordered the establishment 
of a municipal guard, amounting to 2150infan^ 
try, and to ISOcavahy. It is to consist only of 
soldiers ^vho have served in the regulars ; and is 
to be looked upon as a sort of retirement for 
the troops of the line, as they are reported to 
be better paid than the army. No officer, or 
private, is to be accepted, unless he have made, 
at least, five campaigns ; and their age is to 
be betw^een thirty and forty-live. The First 
Consul appoints all the commissioned and 
non-commissioned officers of this corps. It 
is under the command of the genr 'ds of 
the first division, and of the commandant 

o 



J94 BONAPARTE 

at Paris. Every thing vvhicii concerns their 

duty and dress, is minutely prescribed. 

The stations assigned to the real national 
guards near the turnpikes and gates at Paris, 
&c. are now filled up by substitutes, or rem- 
plagants, who do the duty instead of the citi- 
zens, and consist of a miserable assemblage 
of vagabonds and beggars, without unifonn 
or discipline. The wretchedness of these sub- 
stitutes was one day proved, when a mechanic 
shot his wife and himself in a wooden stall, or 
shop, which he had shut after him. Of five of 
these fellows, who had been called first, no one 
had the courage to open the door ; and as nei- 
ther of them had any powder or ball with them, 
they would not enter without, as the report of 
a gun had been heard inside. 

This shabby, unsoldier-like, motley group, 
is a satire on the stately national guards, at the 
beginning of the revolution ; who, in appear- 
ance and steadiness, even surpassed the present 
consular guards; who with the greatest bravery 
and discipline, fought against the best French 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 195 

troops of the line, near Nancy, Lyons, and 
other places ; and who knew how to restore 
and maintain order, till they were sent, during 
the dreadful epochs of the last war, to the fron- 
tiers, and mostly to La Vendee, where they 
were sacrificed in the most wanfon manner. 
The national guards of old, who formed a true 
and well-disciplined militia of the country, are 
now all disarmed by a new game law, which 
prohibits the possession of a single gun, even 
to proprietors of estates, if they have no 
special license from the prefect of the de- 
partment. 

What would Mirabeau say of this degrada- 
tion and annihilation of the national guards, 
whom he described in the following words ? " Et 
que sont ces troupes, sinon les troupes de la li- 
berie ^ Pourquoi les avon nous instiluees^ 
sielles nesoutpas iternellementdesthites h con- 
server ce qu* elles out conquis.^^^ 



* What are those troops but the soldiers of liberty ? 



195 BONAPARTE 

The same fate which bcfel the former na- 
tional guards, this fundamental basis of a 
free government, has been shared by the ju- 
ries, who certainly never were what they are 
in England. They are trampled upon from 
fill quarters. The calling together of a jury 
is grown an unpopular measure : it is, in fact, 
not calling upon citizens and householders, as 
in England and America. The justice of the 
peace, who is the only officer chosen by the 
people, makes out the lists. These are given 
to the prefects and vice-prefects, intirely de- 
pendent on government, who may alter them 
at pleasure. The judges in the public courts, 
also take great care to prevent the juries from 
aking questions, or inquiring into the nature 
of the ci'ime a pnsoner is accused of. The 
French citizen has, besides, nothing of that 
zeal for impartial justice, which is the off- 
spring of a true public spirit, and rational love 



Why were they instituted, if they are not continually 
destined to preserve what they have conquered ? 



^r 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 197 

of liberty. They are indifferent about it, and 
the slavish courtiers and journalists, avail 
themselves of this supineness, to decry juries 
as utterly useless, troublesome to the citizens, 
and detrimental to the administration of jus- 
tice. — Juries, are in fact, approaching their 
intire abolition. 

They have already been suspended for the 
eleventh and twelfth year, in the departments 
of c'dtes du Nord, Du Morbihafi, De Vau- 
cluse, Des boiiches du Rhone, du Var, Des 
Alpes maritimes, Du Lamone, Du «So, De la 
Doire, De la Sesia, De la Zura, De Mareiigo 
et du Tanaro. All these departments are now 
subjected to the jurisdiction of the hated spe- 
cial tribunal. Thus the few really beneficent 
institutions which the revolution brousrht forth, 
are gradually destroyed, and this light-headed 
careless people, are insensible of the great 
change. 

Even in such departments, where juries 
still exist, their powers are greatly limited. 



198 BONAPARTE 

That branch of the police, know a under the 
name of police correctionale, and which con- 
sists of a judge and several justices of peace, 
or assessors, has taken from the juries a num- 
ber of trifling cases, as exclusively appertain- 
ing to their jurisdiction. All cases of forgery, 
murder, manslaughter, setting houses on fire, 
&c. are assigned over to the courts of the 
special tribunals, whose arbitrary proceedings 
have already been noticed. 

Thus, by annihilating the militia, by under- 
mining and abolishing the juries, by destroying 
all liberty of the press, Bonaparte has broken 
down the bulwarks of a free constitution j 
and, instead of a well-regulated monarchical 
government, founded on law, he has jumbled 
together a set of regulations, the result of his 
arbitrary will, wliich may be altered every 
day at pleasure, which pave the way to the 
most scandalous bribery throughout all public 
offices J and thus deprives every body of the 
legal means of resisting injustice. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 199 

Violent measures alone will stem the tor- 
rent of these glaring oppressions, which far 
exceed every thing, that the most depraved 
monarchical government ever did : yet Bona- 
parte, thus overwhelming a nation already the 
unhappy victim of the horrors of revolution 
and anarchy, is preparing new commotions ; 
and he certainly has great reason to fear for 
his safety, and rules with a rod of iron. 

In spite of all his domestic measures, he 
will still have a very precarious existence, if 
he continue, as he has hitherto done, to irritate 
the people by his boundless partiality for his 
relations and favorites, which he so impru- 
dently and inconsiderately manifests . Few will 
perhaps blame the man in power, when he en- 
deavours to benefit his family, within the 
limits of prudence and moder ation ; but to 
grant a numerous familj^, who are absolute 
strangers to the country, whatever the most 
extravagant vanity, and the most greedy ap- 
petite may crave to give ; not from his own 



20cr BONAPARTE 

limited income, but from the public purse, 
thus forfeitiiig all claim to personal sacrifice 
and generosity ; to bestow all the most lucra- 
tive places in administration on swarms of bro- 
thers, brothers-in-law, uncles, cousins, &c. &c. 
\vithout any regard to talents or character, to 
load them with several offices at the same 
time ; to dub them presidents in all public 
assemblies ; to trust them with the manage- 
ment of every thing, by ^vhich a great and 
immense profit may exclusively be reaped : — 
All this far exceeds every papal, princely, and 
ministerial stretch of power, hitherto known in 
the world. Every thing will in time be forced to 
yield to this partiality of the consul, and the old 
Roman imperial despotism will sink under the 
arrogance and tyranny of the new ruler. 

The several members of the family shew as 
little restraint and modesty in the public enjoy- 
ment of all these advantages, as he exhibits in 
bestowing them. 

Lucien Bonaparte, who at first was minister 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 201 
of the interior, and afterwards sent as ambas- 
sador to Spain, has acquired a fortune of thirty 
millions of livres. He exerts his influ- 
ence over his brother who is so mightily 
obliged to him, to obtain the most profitable 
commissions and contracts, and thus to in- 
crease his riches. He lives at his splendid 
country seat (Plessis), and at his princely 
hotel at Paris, in a style never equalled by the 
most prodigal and extravagant prince, except 
the late regent in France, and his associates, 
who were known at that luxurious period by 
the nickname of rones. There is some similari- 
ty of character between Lucien and this famous 
regent, who seized the government after the 
decease of Louis XIV. Lucien aims at mag- 
nificence : he is fond of shew, and indulges in 
studied sumptuousness. He gives way to the 
most voluptuous excesses. Like the regent, 
he is hospitable, generous, a lover and pro- 
tector of the arts: like him, gains many 
friends by this single quality. He, of all his 



202 BONAPARTE 

family, would indeed be the very man ibr the 

French, at least for the Parisians. 

Jpseph Bonaparte, deep and reserved, like a 
true Italian, keeps to the society of his family, 
but lives in great splendor at his countiy seat> 
at Montfontaine, and at his hotel in Paris. 
The liberality ofhis brother, at the expence of 
the public ; his hatred against all men who had 
grown rich during the revolution, have been 
made use of by Joseph at the conclusion of 
peace,, to make a fortune by extorting pre- 
sents, &c. from strangers. The mission to 
England, which required great prudence, abi- 
lity, and application, without promissing much 
gain, was not go vetted by any of the family y 
they prudently ceded it to an honest German, 
a gay, thoughtless youth. 

Louis Bonaparte, without any anxiety to 
make a fortune, lives nevertheless in the 
splendid hotel, in which his brother resided 
before his removal to the Thuilleries. Many 
things of value, which camiot be trusted to his 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 205 

own hands, are given to his wife, the beloved 
step-daughter of Bonaparte, and carefully se- 
cured to her for the future. He may one day, 
perhaps, owe to her the dukedom of Parmav 

"The sisters of Bonaparte are all, without 
exception, possessed of great fortunes. The 
richest of them, is the widow of General Le- 
<:lerc, to whom the very important expedition 
to St. Dominngo was intrusted, though per- 
haps they could not have chosen in all France a 
man more unfit for such a command. With- 
out making himself acquainted with the state 
of affairs at St. Domingo, and the character 
and influence of the principal negro leaders — 
without any capacity to avail himself of cir-. 
cumstances, and contradictory views of the 
black chiefs, his natural brutality caused them 
to join in their resistance against France ; and 
he has, perhaps, lost for ever this most valuable 
colony. He consulted more his own interest 
than the public good. During his short stay 

in that island, he remitted immense sums to 



204. BONAPARTE 

France, which were laid out in the purchase . 
of very considerable estates. His widow is 
looked upon as the richest of the whole family. 
Since her return she has bought a splendid 
hotel at Parisj which she has fitted up in a 
princely style : but she will porbably settle in 
Italy, where she is to marry a Prince Borg- 
hesse. 

General Murat, husband to Bonaparte's se- 
cond sister has accumulated a fortune in Italy, 
which he daily increases by the savings of his 
revenues, and fees as governor of Milan . M a- 
dame Murat is also possessed of a splendid 
hotel at Paris, where she occasionally resides. 
Madam Baccioclii, whose husband, aCorsican, 
is placed in the general staif of Bonaparte, has 
also a magnificent hotel of her own, the gift of 
the First Consul, for which the latter has paid 
the sum of half a million of livres, and wliich 
he ordered to be fitted up in the most superb 
manner. A similar present has been made to 
the mother, who eagerly seizes on every ocqa- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 20$ 
sion to make money, and is fond of presents, 
which are plentifully bestowed upon her by 
her son and sons-in-law. General Murat 
made her lately a present of a set of diamonds, 
estimated at 50,000 livres ; and a service of 
china of equal value. 

She has obtained for her brother Fere (now 
called Fesch), the dignity of cardinal ; and this 
cardinal, uncle to Bonaparte, has made such 
good use of his time in Italy, that he is now 
become immensely rich. He has also receiv- 
ed the very profitable appointment of ambas- 
sador to Rome. 

Napoleon Bonaparte was reported after his 
first return from Italy, to be possessed of 
twenty millions of livres, and on his return 
from Egypt double that sum. Since the intro- 
duction of the new financial system, which 
allows him six millions^ annually, instead of 
the 500,000 livres, formerly assigned to him 
as consul : he now disposes of the public purse. 



205 B©NAPARTE 

without any control ; yet this was in some 
degree the case in former times. 

Bonaparte shews the same prediliction to all 
persons who have served under him in Italy, 
and neglects the most deserving men, who 
fought the glorious battles in Germany, under 
Moreau, who is now so shamefully neglected. 
His partiality towards those, who were with 
him in Egypt, is still greater. Not satisfied 
with making Duroc, who is quite a young 
man, the governor general of all his palaces 
(the pleasing manners of the one, and the per- 
sonal attachment of the other, might excuse 
this choice) : he has also made him a minis- 
ter of the cabinet; and through his hands 
every thing concerning the army must pass. 
His will and opinion are of such weight, that 
the war minister never ventures to propose 
any measure, without having previously con-^ 
suited Duroc, fully persuaded that neither thq 
assent of the First Consul, nor even an an- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 203r 
svver could be obtained without this favorite's 
approbation. 

The war minister Berthier, ^ excepting 
his pleasing manners, has nothing that 
could entitle him to such an office h\it 
his haying been with Bonaparte in . Egypt : 
He is so little fit for it, that it was 
found necessary immediately to appoint 
M. Dejean as an assistant. This vice-minis- 
ter conducts all the important affairs of the war 
department, under the title of " directeur 
ministre de V administration de la guerre,^ 
whilst Berthier simply enjoys the honors of 
the charge, and draws an immense income 
from it. 

Even Menou, was appointed general ad- 
ministrator of Piedmont, when every body 
believed, that Bonaparte would not only dis- 
countenance him, but even treat him with the 
greatest severity. 

Denon, a pleasant writer, and a facetious 
reporter of all the wondroui> deeds in Egyp^ 



20S BONAPARTE 

was created by him director general of all the 
literary institutes and academies of arts in 
France. The most celebrated literati,' the 
most renowned artists were set aside, all 
foitner presidents of the societies of arts, were 
jabohshed, and Denon appointed sole dicta- 
tor over them ; whoever knows the extent and 
importance of the French museums, of the 
cabinets of antiquities and medals, of the mint 
itself, as forming a branch of it, must be 
equally astonished at the courage of this De- 
non, who accepted such a place in the face 
of Visconts and other celebrated men, as he 
himself must be surprised at the blind partiality 
and protection of the donor. The grand 
museum at the Louvre, the museum of the 
French monuments (musee des monuments 
Frangois), the museum of the French school 
at Versailles (le musee de Verole Frangaisc 
^ Versailles), all the galleries of pictures in the 
palaces of government, the mint of medals, the 
chalcographic institutions of the Mosaic, and 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 209 

of the cabinets of engravings, the purchase 
and the removing of all mo'numents of art 
and other things of less importance, are placed 
imder the sole and immediate direction and 
superintendance of this new governor geiieral. 

Fran, a young surgeon, was nominated by 
Bonaparte to the most important dignity in 
his profession, and made " Chirurgien en chef 
de V hotel des invalides,^^ an appointment which 
had been promised to the surgeon general of 
Moreau's army, and on which condition alone 
he fjllowed the latter in his last campaign. 
Bonaparte said of this Fran — He may yet learn 
what is necessary, he is young. 

Marcel, who set up a small printing office 
in Egypt, though he never had before the 
management of one, of any consequence, 
was promoted to the place of a director ge- 
neral of the printing offices of the republic 
(directeur de V imprimerie de la repiiblique), 
which yields an income of 60,000 livres. 
Though all the most renowned printers and 
Q 



210 BONAPARTE 

proprietors of similar institutions had offered 
themselves, 300 in number; though all the 
votes of the counsellors of state, and of the 
tu'o other consuls, v\ ere unanimously in fa- 
vor of Pierre. Bonaparte said when they 
proposed the latter, " If Marcel had not offer- 
ed himself, I should have given the place to 
Pierre," and wrote Marcel's name on the war- 
rant, to the astonishment of every one present. 
The partiality and confidence to men, who 
willingly trusted themselves to a hazardous 
enterprise, under the guidance of a successful 
soldier, who, blindly confiding in his lucky 
star, followed him to distant regions, is very- 
natural to one, who has great reason to lay 
hold of all means to secure himself in his 
place ; it is even prudent to attach such men 
still more: but if this cannot be effected, 
without greatly offending others, is it also 
prudent to render them bitter enemies, and 
thus to create throughout all classes and de- 
partments a general discontent, which will 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 211 
sooner or later break out with the greatest 
violence, the longer it is forcibly suppressed? 

If we reflect on these circumstances, we 
must either doubt Bonaparte's prudence and 
moderation, or conclude that all penetration, 
all talent, and superiority, will be of little avail 
to the man who has raised himself above all, 
and now stands alone, or is surrounded by 
hungry and malicious slaves. Still, everj^ 
ruler, who has not that command over himself 
which he ought to have, is in a much more 
dangerous situation than merely standing by 
himself as he is encircled by the slaves of 
rapine and malice, ready to instil into his 
mind sentiments even worse than his own. 
The man of noble mind disdains to approach 
a being so infinitely inferior to himself. Hy- 
pocrisy, and cunning submission, are his 
principal attendants ; but these with a word 
may be laid in silence at his feet. He will no 
longer see or hear, but with their ears and 
eyes, trusting to all their wickedness may sug- 



212 BONAPARTE 

gest ; at the same time proudly thinking it 
the result of his own wisdom and activity : 
that it is liis penetrating eye that has foreseen, 
every thing. He beUeves himself superior to 
all those by whom he is surrounded, when he 
is only a mere machine in the hands of these 
miscreants. 

It has been asserted in private societies, and 
in public journals, that this is the character 
of Bonaparte J and the measures wliich are 
always taken before he appears in public, 
render this very probable. If he is to visit 
an exhibition of any kind, every one who is 
not absolutely wanted there is previously sent 
away. The favorites of Bonaparte, and the 
minister to whose department the object in 
question may belong, and who have always 
seen it before, to give their opinion of it to 
the consul, who have perhaps instructed the 
ambitious or interested proprietor what he is 
to say, in order to attain his end : they al- 
ways accompany Bonaparte, and prevent any 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 213 

thing disagreeable reaching his ear. Besides, 
if we except military objects, he is no compe- 
tent judge of any thing. 

If this has been the case in the capital for 
the two last years, how much more must it be 
in the provinces' — ignorant as he is of local 
circumstances, of the persons appointed there, 
and the inhabitants, none of whom are ever 
admitted into his presence. 

The greatest precaution for his security 
is visible on these excursions. He never 
takes that road which has been previous- 
ly announced. His guards are always sent 
in several directions to wait for him, but are 
never certain which way he is to come. He 
never stays at a place so long as was at first 
expected. He always sets out suddenly and 
imperceived, and generally arrives unobserved 
in the night, at St. Cloud, or Malmaison. A 
salute from the guns announce on the next 
morning his return : messengers and cou- 
riers are riding in all directions, to inform the 



214 BONAPARTE 

foreign Ambassadors and the constituted au- 
thorities, that the great master is ready to 
accept at a certain hour their congratulations 
on his arrival. 

If Bonaparte think to strike the French 
with greater awe, by these manifold prepara- 
tions, and outward shew of greatness and mag- 
nificence ', and thus, to make up what is de- 
nied him from the people, in attachment and 
love y if he hope to make them forget the 
stranger who was artful enough prudently to 
avail himself of the weakness and folly of the 
nation, he greatly errs. He only throws a 
greater light on his usurpation, increases jea- 
lousy, exasperates the disaffected, and pro- 
vokes the national pride to fury and revenge, 
which will be the more destructive as it is in 
the character of that nation to bear every 
thing in humble silence, and carefully to con- 
ceal their rage and thirst for revenge, till they 
can seize a favorable opportunity to shake off 
the galling yoke. Bold enterprises, splendid 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 215 

and uncommon successes, triumphs which give 
a lustre to that vain and ambitious nation — 
these, while they exalt the proud ruler, are 
the only means by which the usurped autho- 
rity can ever be preserved. 

If we closely examine Bonaparte's conduct 
towards the English ambassador, Lord Whit- 
worth, whom he found at Paris, on his return 
from the sea coast, we shall have occasion to 
remark that the chief object of his absence was 
nothing else than to fortify the northern and 
western coasts of France j and that all the new 
regulations were directed to the pre-concerted 
project of an invasion. It is more than pro- 
bable, that he thought this would soon open 
to him a new career of glory ; and thus keep 
the people in humour and properly employed. 
He was certainly not earnest in his 4esire of a 
lasting peace. He received and treated the 
English ambassador, after having delayed his 
first audience for three weeks, with the most 
striking coolness. At the public audiences 



216 BONAPARTE 

and in the circles of Mad. Bonaparte^ he often 
made to him the rudest observations. Per- 
haps, the substance of his addresses might 
not have given somuch offence as the haughty 
and commanding tone in which he spoke ; it 
was however highly improper. His favorite 
term, " Je le veiix,'' (I will it) which he 
generally uses with the other consuls, and with 
his ministers, were one day addressed quite 
aloud to the ambassador of a power who had 
formerly spoken in this manner itself. 

As Bonaparte is supposed not to be abso- 
lutely ignorant of the English character, or 
forgetftd of himself, it must be inferred from 
this conduct that his mind was already bent 
on great enterprises against that country, even 
during peace, and that his pride alone made 
him forget the necessary caution in concealing 
his intentions. He certainly did not wish so 
soon to come to a rupture with England ; this 
has been clearly seen by his endeavors, at least 
for a time, towards an amicable understand- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 217 

ing : but the patience of the English was now 
worn out, and they declared themselves sooner 
than he expected. He thought England, per- 
haps, far more distracted by factions, and the 
danger in Ireland far greater than it now really 
appears. He may have believed the proud 
islanders sufficiently humbled by the disadvan- 
tageous and dishonorable terms of the treaty, 
which he had compelled them to accede to, 
and favored as he had been by so many unex- 
pected circumstances, he imagined that he 
might shew to their ambassador and to them, 
his contempt and hatred. He thought that 
he had reduced them to the necessity of sub- 
mitting in silence, whilst he shewed the great- 
est activity to restore the French navy, to for- 
tify the coasts, and to prepare a flotilla which 
might supply the want of large ships. He 
supposed them unable to resist, whilst he, by 
opening an intercourse with the Netherlands, 
should secure to himself and to France, a great 
revenue, and the annihilation of trade to Eng- 
land. 



218 BONAPARTE 

But these humbled islanders, to whom no- 
thing perhaps is so sacred, which they would 
not willingly sacrifice for their country, their 
national security, for their prosperity and for 
their honor, resumed their courage, and said, 
"A war with this haughty Corsican is una- 
voidable ; we must indemnify ourselves for 
the disadvantageous peace which we have con- 
cluded : and for fear of the worst, we had bet- 
ter decide on it now, than ten jears hence, 
when perhaps the enemy may have accom- 
plished all his hostile preparations, so openly 
carried on : better now, than when the nation 
is betrayed into false security, and dangerous 
slumber, by deceitful promises, and treacher- 
ous allurements. We are still possessed of 
that rock, on which he in future may rest, with 
his face towards Asia, and Africa, musing on 
his grand projects against us, and all Europe. 
Let the proud boaster try, wiiether treachery 
and violence, will now meet with their wonted 
success." 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 219 

The antigallican orators in the British par- 
liament, and the public papers in England, 
continued to wound the pride and the vanity 
of the hostile conqueror. He shewed himself 
by far too much hurt at their philippics. He 
demanded the prosecution and punishment of 
such boldness. He thought, perhaps, the 
English government should prohibit the mem- 
bers of parliament from uttering such lan- 
guage against him. The French official papers 
were filled with the coarsest and most malici- 
ous attacks on the English nation and its 
government, though the British ambassador 
was present. The other French papers and 
journals re-echoed these invectives, and others 
made bitter and malicious additions of their 
own. Never did there exist between two 
great nations, then at peace, such an unbe- 
coming rancour. 

An English newspaper, established by go- 
vernment, under the title of, " The Argus," 
published by a Jew, who had been driven away 



220 BONAPARTE 

from England, was filled with the greatest 
scurriility, and the most infcimous aspersions 
on the English people and government ; it was 
daily distributed among the English, who 
came in crowds to visit Paris. All the French 
papers correctly translated these scandalous ar- 
ticles, and spread them all over the countrj''. 
No English newspaper was publicly allowed, 
but one called the Weekly Messenger ; which 
was evidently in the pay of the French go- 
vernment, and always in contradiction with 
the spirit of other English papers. The French 
translated from this latter such paragraphs 
only as contained the intelligence of dreadful 
murders, robberies, adulteries, bestial fights, 
boxing matches, and other traits and trans- 
actions not very honorable to the English 
character. 

The Parisian papers, sometimes gave them- 
selves an air of deep concern and regret in feel- 
ing it to be their duty to report to their French 
readers, what those insolent islanders had dared 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 221 
to say publicly against their great and magna- 
nimous consul ; but they curtailed every thing 
which might be too severely felt by the grand 
hero : they substituted other and milder ex- 
pressions ; and if there were any thing inserted 
which could not be softened down so far as to 
render it palatable to their kind master, they 
left it out entirely. 

If a public official paper degrade itself to 
such a raean pitiful Jesuitic artifice, it must 
lose that credit which it no longer deserves. 
It would even be preferable to continue in 
these mutual invectives, and, like the Moni- 
teur, to spetik of " Imagination direglce, 
deiire, crime, politique, infernale, Tunisiens, 
Algtriens, passions, haineuses et jalouses, 
per fides instigations:'^ Or, like the publiciste, 
of hommes atrocss, qui ont soldc tous les 
crimes, qui sont voues au mepris de V Europe, 
fumes du vin de Porto qui les penetre d'un 
saint enthusiasme pour la liberie: or, like the 
open hearted rough Englishman, of fraud, rob- 



222 BONAPARTE 

bery, and breach of faith ; for every one knows 
then at least, that they are in a passion, and 
judges of them accordingly. 

The English ambassador, who fomid little 
to praise in Paris, saw nothing at St. Cloud or 
Malmaison, that could give him more favour- 
able impressions. The attention of the family 
of Bonaparte was entirely taken up with the 
new titular promotion ; and it was only de- 
bated, whether Napoleon Bonaparte should 
be invested with the imperial or consular dig- 
nity. When the imperial crown was at last 
proposed in the senate for discussion, one pert 
orator rose ; but touching the strings that 
might rather jingle too much in the ears of 
the people, he spoke with such boldness and 
force, that vanity became frightened, and he 
withdrew, for that time, the proposal of ma- 
jesty. Several ministerial papers had, how- 
ever, the meanness to attack the daring ora- 
tor ; but, in reality, they only betrayed, in a 
very clumsy manner, their great chagrin on 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 223 
the discomfiture of a proposal, which it was 
thought would meet with less resistance than 
any former. The ministers of Bonaparte reap- 
ed, however, some nominal benefit from this 
manoeuvre ; the title of Excellency, which 
had previously been added to their names in 
the court calender, no doubt to save the trou- 
ble of its being inserted in due time, was given 
• and decreed them in form. 

An object which filled the family of Bona- 
parte with great concern and anxiety, was the 
miserable state of affairs at St. Domingo, and 
the necessity they were in of recalling their 
stupid and rapacious brother-in-law, and of 
commiting this important and profitable com- 
mand to a stranger, one not belonging to the 
family. The death of General Leclerc in some 
respect solved the difficulty, and the affairs at 
St. Domingo began to wear a better aspect, 
as soon as the helm was taken from .such un- 
skilful hands ; but more favorable accounts now 
arrivir.g;^ they were kept veiy secret, and the 



224 BONAPARTE 

former bad ones suffered to continue in circu- 
lation, in order to conceal from the public the 
striking proofs of the inaptitude of the broth- 
er : and the public were not to know that their 
most valuable island was on the point of being 
lost by family protection. 

The people were to be amused, and their 
attention diverted, by exhibitions of fine rib- 
bons, and models of stars, for a new order, 
which the family chose to substitute for the 
old noble one of the Holy Ghost. It should 
be as similar to the latter as possible. The 
blue ribbon of the same breadth, had only a 
small red line in the middle, and a small white 
edge. The few remains of the republican tri- 
color on this ribbon, very emblematically ex- 
pressed the nature of the present mock com- 
monwealth. The star was to represent a sun, 
and the Holy Ghost was to be changed into 
an eagle soaring within its beams. Yet its 
introduction was also laid aside, with the 
proposed imperial majesty, for a time 5 perhaps 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 225 

until the legion of honor, and the senatorian 
order could be introduced. 

This also was the offspring of that period 
of vanity. It will, perhaps, procure the means 
to silence all senators, who might be apt to 
speak, if not well paid for their taciturnity : and 
it will be, at the same time, a channel from 
which new honors^, and considerable reve- 
nues, may be drawn for brothers and sisters. 
A very great part of the unsold and un- 
claimed national property, which was repeat- 
edly promised to the army, as a reward of their 
bravery, has been allotted to the senators. 
Yet this new invention of family fondness 
must exasperate the army still more, as the 
late execution of the project for a legion of 
honor is still delayed ; and as even attempts 
have been made to extend it also to civil, as 
well as military persons, contrary to its origi- 
nal intent, which was, that it should only 
^consist of military men, who had received 
swords of honor as a reward of their crallantrv. 



226 BONAPARTE 

It was to be divided into troops or cohorts j 
and to each of these latter should be assigned 
an old castle, abbey, or other public building, , 
where every member, not possessed of a house 
of his own, might have apartments, and a 
pension allowed him. Yet several persons fill- 
ing the most important places in administra- 
tion, have already been appointed as officers 
and directors of the legion of honor, and 
now sit in the high councils or committees of 
the corps. Here again means have been 
found to favor the family of Bonaparte, 
and their minions. That there never should 
have been the least idea to offer Moreau, the 
first and most worthy hero of France, a place 
in the legion of honor, raises, perhaps, a 
greater indignation in Germany, where this 
general, even when an enemy, knew how to 
command esteem and respect, more than in 
frivolous France. 

Whilst attempts were making to introduce 
these new orders, that bear a great similarity 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE 22r 

with that of Ciiicinnatus projected in America, 
great care was also taken not to mention a 
work of Mirabeau on this order, in which he 
explains the dangerous tendency of such in- 
stitutions towards despotism and oligarchy. 
Mirabeau particularly inveighs against the 
incautious introduction of nobility ; a mea- 
sure which he deprecates in the following 
words : — " Tout ce qui est signe, et qui pent 
tout a coup server de ralliemeiit a un grand 
no mhre d'hommes, qui peut former un esprit 
particuiier dans Vesprit general qui peut 
s^parer certain nombre de citoyens du corps des 
citoyens est been plus redoutable par ses effets 
dans unerepublique^qiiedansunemonarchie, S[c, 
Dans la monarchic tout tend d. V elevation j 
dans la republique tout doit tendre d, Vegaliie. 
Dans la pre7ni^re il faut desrangs ; dans la se- 
conde \lfaut des vertus. Les signes exterieurs de 
distinctions sont naturliscs dans la monarchic, 
etpar cela mime leur injluence est moins dan- 
gereuse. Mais tous ces signes, qui distinguent 



228 BONAPARTE 

sont etrarigers au gouvernement et ct V esprit 

repuhlicain : et si le corps solitaire, qui ose 

ainsi se distinguer est un corps, de guerriers 

alors tout est perdu. La liberte ne resterapas 

long terns, dans des climate, que de pareilles 

distinctions outragait."^ 

' This work was written four years previous 

to the French revolution, for the benefit of 

the Americans, who had then introduced the 



* " Whatever is a sign and may serve as a rallying 
post to a great number of men ; — whatever may form a 
particular, in a general spirit ; — whatever can separate 
a certain number of citizens from the whole body, is 
much more formidable by its effects in a republic than 
in a monarchy : in the latter, every thing tends to ele- 
vation ; in the former, every thing ought to produce 
equality : in the former, distinctions are wanted ; in the 
latter, virtues. — The outward signs of these distinctions 
are naturalised in a monarchy, and by that circum- 
stance, their influence is less dangerous ; but all distin- 
guishing characteristics are foreign to the republican 
spirit, as veil as to its government; and if that solitary 
body, which thus aspires to pre-eminence, be composed 
of warriors, all is lost : — liberty will not long remain 
in climes infected by such distinctions." 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 229 

order of Cincinnatus, already consisting of 
10,000 members. The effect of this work 
was the immediate and careful hmitation of 
the order ; and America has preserved her 
liberty. The French, on whom all good ad- 
vice, all instructive examples are lost -, who 
never look farther than to the present moment ; 
who proudly boast that they also have had a 
revolution, no doubt wish for a better consti- 
tution than the Americans ; and they now 
reckon as many of them as revolutionary 
years, while they are always committing the 
same faults without profiting by experience. 

The miscarried imperial dignity had also 
caused a project for a new coin, with the head 
of Bonaparte ; but they could not agree about 
the titles and inscriptions. A day was ap- 
pointed in March, 1803, when the First Con- 
sul was to go to the mint to decide upon it. 
The minister of finances informed the master 
only two days before of his intended visit, 
and insisted that his bead must be stamped 



230 BONAPARTE 

upon the coin in his presence, in order to sur- 
prise him agreeably. The director general of 
the medals, a great artist, maintained the im- 
possibility even of producing an indifferent 
one in so short a space, and insisted en Bo- 
naparte sitting to him, in order that it might 
be worthy of the First Consul and the nation, 
as to superior excellence, in the execution. 
When the minister still insisted, a young man 
in the mint, who had previously executed a 
head of Bonaparte, and had privately offered 
to realize the plan of the ministerial flatterer, 
finished the medal tolerably well, and the like- 
ness was striking. Bonaparte was very much 
pleased with the young artist, desired that he 
might be presented to him ; and, without ask- 
ing whether he was a director of the medals or 
not, made a contract with him for the whole 
coinage of the new crowns that were to bear 
his impression. 

It appeared on this occasion how little Bo- 
naparte thought of opposition in the senate, 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 231 

and how well he could depend on their acqui- 
escence. He asked theyoung man, how much 
time it would require to finish the stamp for the 
new dollars. He answered, fourteen days. 
Bonaparte then replied : " Yes, in ten days, 
the law will have passed and have been pro- 
claimed : that will do." And by these few 
words this young man was appointed, against 
which no one of the present ministers, nor the 
general director of the mint, nor any other di- 
rector, dared to make the least objection, 
though they knew the master of the mint must 
feel very much hurt -, and this inexperienced 
youth must be sensible both of the affront and 
of the loss, which the innocent man must suf- 
fer, if such a considerable commission were 
taken from him. 

Nevertheless, experience too soon proved 
to the Consul, that such rash decisions may 
be a reward for an assiduous, submissive flat- 
terer, but cannot give the talents required. 
The new crowns were ready at the appointed 
time, but when they were issued they proved 



2S3 BONAPARTE 

not only indifferent in workmanship, but also 
quite inadmissible. The artist had forgotten 
that they were to be current, and had there- 
fore made the head and inscriptions too pro- 
jecting, so that the new crowns would not lie 
one upon another, and also required too much 
room in the chests of bankers and merchants : 
they were therefore called in^ and new ones 
coined. The new stamp is a little better than 
the former, but the head of Bonaparte had 
none of those marked traits which peculiarly 
characterise his countenance. 

Many other such blunders and awkward 
attempts, which betrayed the novices of this 
mushroom court, very often happened in the 
Thuilleries, and must have surprised the lady 
of the English ambassador, who had accom- 
panied the late Duke of Dorset to France, 
and had seen the court of the unfortunate 
queen.* Tlie proud Englishman must also be 

*The author has been misinformed : her Grace the 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE 2^3 

offended, as other anibassadors were, at the 
several demands and importunities of this 
new court. Tiiere was, for instance, a formal 
court -mourning ordered, on the death of 
■General le Clerc i an audience of condolence 
was announced to the English and other am- 
bassadors, which they were compelled to ob- 
serve, and pay visits to the whole family. 
He w^as forced at such consular audiences to 
wait, like other ambassadors, for whole 
hours, in the confined anti-chambers, till the 
Consul was pleased to make his appearance. 
Several circumstances, which could only be 
ascribed to the greatest inexperience, or inat- 
tention, if not to a petulant pride, rendered 
these delays highly disagreeable, if not dan- 
gerous. This was particularly the case on 
the third of April, the day appointed for the 



Dutchess of Dorset was not m France with the Duke 
when ambassador ; she was married to him after his 
return from that embassy. 



254 BONAPARTE - 

grand parade, which usually precedes the au- 
diences of the foreign ambassa,dors. This pa- 
rade degenerated into a sort of special review 
of all the troops garrisoned in Paris. Even 
the conscripts appeared dressed in their white 
frocks, and the soldiers with their knapsacks, 
and every thing necessary to take the field at 
a minute's notice. The principal gates leading 
to the Thuilleries were shut, and Bonaparte, 
who usually passes the ranks on horseback, 
went this time on foot. He opened several 
knapsacks, ordered shoes, which he found of 
bad workmanship, to be thrown away. He 
commanded a soldier to pull off his coat, 
which he tore in two, as a warning to the con- 
tractors. He questioned them, and severely 
reprimanded some of the field-officers present. 
He asked the conscripts respecting the quali- 
ty of the soups which they received, nothing 
else having been provided fur them. 

By these proceedings he hoped, perhaps, to 
persuade the soldier who thinks himself dis- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 235 

reo-arded, and who is dissatisfied, that he is 
not unmindful of them ; and probably meant 
this as a hint to the English ambassador, that 
he was ready to march, if the answer from 
England did not prove satisfactory ; similar 
hints had been already thrown' out in several 
audiences. 

This grand parade now lasted five hours, 
instead of an hour and a half, its usual time. 
The ambassadors, who had received no notice, 
arrived at the wonted hour, accompained by 
many foreigners, whom they wished to present 
to the Consul 3 but they found the gates of 
the Thuilieries shut. After waiting at the 
outside, just before the iron rails, where the 
review took place, they w^ere at last informed, 
that they might walk up to a side gate, which 
should be opened to them. They were com- 
pelled to submit, and went, in full dress, 
through a part of the garden to enter the pa- 
lace ; but they also found the gate leading to 
it closed, and were again forced to wait, every 



236 BONAPARTE 

where surrounded by a rabble, who had 
been suffered to pass through an opposite 
door. This was, indeed, a disagreeable situa- 
tion for the English ambassador in particular, 
as the common people looked upon this special 
review as a warlike preparation against Eng- 
land. He was still more exposed to the un- 
pleasant curiosity of the common people, on 
account of his grand, stately appearance, his^ 
richly embroidered coat, and his star and 
ribbon, which continually attracted the eyes 
©f the populace. After having walked a con- 
siderable time, and after much knocking at the- 
door, it was opened, and the ambassadors 
found at last an asylum in the narrow anti- 
chamber, where they were still compelled to 
wait several hours, till it grew almost dark„ 
before they were admitted. 

If the European powers do not especially 
and strictly command their ambassadors to 
resist such haughtincbs, which surpasses eveiX' 
that of the old Romans towards the envoys o€ 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 23r 

subjected nations, it will increase every year, 
and these foreign powers will become con- 
temptible in the eyes of the people, in propor- 
tion as Bonaparte gains respect. Every no- 
ble-minded subject of such sovereigns, who 
are represented by their ambassadors at Parisi^ 
must be deeply hurt by the pride and arro- 
gance of the consular court. It is probable 
that the First Consul does not encourage this 
insolence ; that he is ignorant of many offen- 
sive occurrences, or perhaps not sensible of 
them, being naturally of an unfeeling and se- 
vere disposition, which was far from being- 
softened or refined by the education he re^ 
ceived. His followers visibly delight in this 
humiliating treatment of others, and will cer- 
tainly continue it, till the attention of the 
First Consul be roused by repeated and earn- 
est remonstrances. 

The English ambassador, who had reason to 
be disgusted at the Thuilleries, found as little 
in Palis and in all France, to recoacile him, op 



238 BONAPARTE 

to gain his esteem, for he saw a degraded peo- 
ple, bearing, in slavish abjection, the tyranny 
of a despotic ruler. 

Some consular decrees, respecting the future 
public instruction and administration, appeared 
about that time. A stranger to the history of 
Europe, might have inferred, from the tenor of 
many new-made regulations, that the present 
master of the French had it in view, to raise a 
savage nation from a state of barbarity, to the 
first degree of civilization. For to the eye of 
an European observer, his laws, and ordinan- 
ces, certainly had thistendency, viz. to impress 
the French with a strong military character. 

But the short-sighted Frenchmen, were not 
struck by them : perhaps they never gave them 
a thought. They were amused with pompous 
panegyrics, on the grand and pretended hu- 
mane views of government, to promote know- 
ledge, and to procure to the people the bles- 
sings of liberty. They iiad been deceived and 
led astray, in former times, by the declamations 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 239 

of their constitution makers, on equality ^ now 
they were blinded, and overrawed by loud en- 
comiums on the greatness of their ruler, and 
the high fame of the conqueror. 

French pride aimed at singularity from the 
beginning of the revolution. They would 
have no system, of ancient or modern 
times, as a model. No ! the great and en- 
lightened nation would go on its own way, and 
would give itself a constitution, which might 
serve as a pattern to future ages : not such an 
one as the Enghsh boasted so much of; it was 
too imperfect in their eyes, it had too much of 
the barbarous usages of feudal times. The 
Americans had only adapted their's to an in- 
considerable people, just beginning to form 
itself, and living dispersed over a wide plain ; 
for them, a federal system might be useful. 
Perfection in every thing was the hue and 
cry in France ; yet, this people, so eager to 
bring every thing to perfection, forgot and 
overlooked the only means by which it might 



S40 BONAPARTE 

be attained, namely, the improvement of 
public instruction. During the first ten years 
of the revolution, they never cast a look on 
this great object, they never thought of re- 
forming the public schools, the great and sole 
basis of general improvement. 

The champions, and authors of the French 
revolution, were certainly ready to grant sup- 
port and assistance to great, splendid, and 
striking enterprises, in order to add to the 
glory of France : but the less shining, though 
peaceful and necessary instructions to secure 
the true happiness of citizens, were neglected. 
All former establishments of celebrity were> 
therefore, enlarged, and rendered still more 
splendid ; but for the extension of general 
knowledge, nothing was done. The botanic 
garden, already greatly renowned, was highly 
improved. Botanic museums were erected; 
lectures on chemistry^ on natural history, and 
on every branch of science, distantly connected 
with botany, were established. The celebratec^ 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 241 

four academies were changed into a grand 
national institution, including all arts and 
sciences, and by its constitution, the respec^ 
tability, and the laudable efforts of its mem- 
bers, surpassed every thing of the kind in 
Europe. The former great royal colleges, for 
students, were changed into a general aca- 
demy, called Ecole Poly technique, where all 
arts and sciences were publicly taught ; yet, 
for the common schools in the provinces, and 
in the country, very little was done 3 and where 
any improvement had been made, it was gene-* 
rally owing to the private endeavours of the 
masters in central academies. Little as this 
was, it is now absolutely destroyed, by the 
new regulations for the Lyceums, published 
by the consuls. 

These regulations for the Lyceums, substi- 
tuted for central schools, can serve as a model 
for all military and despotic states. 

The first article evidently shews, that the 
former contemptible French schools have been 



242 BONAPARTE 

taken as a pattern for the new ones : It is 
worded in the following manner : On enseig- 
nera essentiellement dans les lycess le latin, et 
les mathematiques : and the last article proves, 
that the bigotry of former schools was to be 
preserved ; for it says : II y aura un aumonier 
dans chaque lycee. (Each lyceum shall have 
a chaplain.) 

The masters of latin and mathematics, at 
these lyceums, are also to teach geography, 
mythology, ancient history, and arithmetic. 
No mention at all is made of ancient or mo- 
dern languages, moral philosophy, poetry, 
&c. but military exercises are chiefly insisted 
on. 

The nineteenth article contains the fol- 
lowing order : " Un qfficier, instructeiir sera- 
charge d'apprendre, Vexercice aux eleves qui 
aiiront plus de doiize ; il enseignera a ceux, 
qui auront atteint cet age, le maniement des 
armes et Vcole du peloton j il sera oblige de sc 
trouver, a toutes les heures pour commander 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 243 

les marches des eleves dans leur different 
mGUvement de la jour nee' ''^ 

The whole internal constitution of these ly- 
ceums is truly military, and the schools, for 
the sons of French citizens, will be, in future, 
nothing else but martial estabhshments. The 
boys are divided into companies : have their 
Serjeants, serjeant-majors, and corporals, as- 
signed them, and if they are led out, they 
must march in a body, and always have a cen- 
sor, a quartermaster, an officer, and a drilling 
Serjeant at their head. 

The twenty-third article of the new regula- 
tion deserves a place here. It says : Tout ce ■ 
qui est relatif aux repas, aiix recreations , anx 
promenades, au sommeil, sefera par compag- 



* A military instructor shall have the charge of 
teaching the manual exercise to those pupils who 
shall be more than t>velve years of age ; all such 
shall be taught the military and platoon exercises : 
the master shall be obliged to assist, at stated times, 
in directing them to perform the various evolu- 
tions. 



244 BONAPARTE 

nie. All the punishments of the boys are just 
the same as in the French army, namely, 
la prison et les arrSts ; la table de penitence 
©nly has been added. Yet, in the schools, or 
Lyceums, already established at Paris, the boys 
are dreadfully flogged and beaten ; and the 
incredible filth of the school-rooms renders it 
almost impossible, to a friend of cleanliness, 
to remain there for any length of time. The 
insides of these schools, resemble the barracks 
of the worst description, with this exception, 
that thelatter are generally kept much cleaner. 

The most curious of all the articles in this 
new consular regulation, are the eleventh and 
the twenty-seventh. They are thus worded. 

JCI. II sera nomme deux eommissions, 
Vune pour le latin, V autre pour les mathema- 
tiques. Elks dresseront une instruction, qui 
determinera d'ttne maniere precise les parties, 
qtCon doit enseigner dans chaque classe, et les 
cours quon doit suiure. Elles traceront avec 
soin Vordre a itablir entre les cours qui seront 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. ^5 

suivis simulet tanement tt la duree de chaqiie 
dasse ; elks s' occuperont de la THmpression 
des auteurs classiques et la disposeront de 
maniere, qu^ily ait aidant de volumes, qiCily 
a de classes, en reunissant dans un seid et 
meme volume tout ce que doit montrer le pro^ 
fesseur pour une classe de latin, ainsi que tout 
ce qui appartient a une classe de mathima- 
tiques. Onpourra diviser les volumes, selon les 
parties d' enseignement pour tusage des eleves. 
Leprofesseur nepourra, sous quelque pretexte 
qui ce soil, enseigner d^autress oucrages* 

* Two committees shall be appointed, one for the 
Latin, and the other for mathernatiGS ; they are to 
plan a mode of instruction, that shall determine in a 
precise manner the branches that are to be taught in. 
each class, and the different studies to be pursued ; 
they are carefully to devise the order that shall be es- 
tablished, and the duration of each particular pursuit ; 
they shall superintend the re-printing of the classic 
authors, which they shall dispose in such a manner, as 
to make as many volumes as there are forms ; taking^ 
care to compress in one volume, what the professor 
is to teach to the Latin form, and, likewise, to those 
who learn mathematics. They may divide the vo- 
lumes according to the several modes of instruc- 



246 BONAPARTE 

XXVII. II y aura dans chaque lyde une 
hibliothcque de 1500 tomes ; tonics les bib- 
liotheques seront composees des mimes oiivra- 
ges i aucun autre ouvrage ne pourra y etre 
place sans V antorisation du ministre de Vinte- 
ricur. Les ouvrage s seront pritis aux eleves. 
pour qiL Us puis sent lire dans Icur recreation 
les jours de fetes, et de vacances* 

For the French seminaries, and their in- 
structors, no printing offices will be necessary 
in future. The treasures of learning, which 
we possess from ancient times, amounting to 
many hundred volumes, will be compressed 



tion, for the use of the pupils ; and it shall not be 
lawful for the teacher, under any pretence whatever, 
to make use of any other author. 

* Each lyceum shall contain a library, consisting of 
1500 volumes ; every library shall be composed of 
the same works, and no other shall be introduced with- 
out the authority of the minister of the interior ; the 
pupils shall have free access to those books, for their 
private reading, in the days of festivals and holidays. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 247 

into six for the boys and for the youth of 
France, conformably to the will and pleasure 
of the consular majesty j for there are only six 
Latin forms, and every form shall have only 
one single volume for the whole year. The 
library, which is to contain 1500 books, and 
no more, will be filled with the historical and 
mathematical works of the Jesuits, which, by 
the bye, are very voluminous : and thus the 
youth of the nineteenth century will have 
every possible instruction, and more than suf- 
ficient means to become as enlightened and 
accomplished as the First Consul, who cer- 
tainly did not receive a better education. As 
to the makers and reviev/ers of the six volumes 
for the use of these lyceums, as they enter 
but half way in his plans, we shall have 
a pretty fair scale, and a curious monument 
of future French culture in the present 
age. 

The hatred of the First Consul to all repub- 
lican forms extends itself equally to all insti- 



248 BONAPARTE 

tutions of arts and sciences, which owe their 
origin to the revolution. From the grand na- 
tional institute, renowned and celebrated as it 
was throughout all Europe, down to the 
school for trumpeters at Versailles, we meet 
with nothing new. There was a separate class 
in the national institute, for natural philoso- 
phy, ethics, politics and legislation, on ac- 
count of their being so closely connected. 
Richelieu, the old despotic minister of France, 
would not have suffered such a dangerous 
union in his four ancient academies ; nor will 
Bonaparte allow it. The national institute is, 
therefore, dissolved, and branched out again 
into ihe four old royal academies, where dan- 
gerous questions are not to be discussed in fu- 
ture, nor any thing be said that was allowed 
even under the government of Louis XIV^ 
XV. and XVI. 

The degenerated child of the revolution now 
atands uppermost,, and higher perhaps than 
former monarchs. The light which the latter 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 249 

feared, will be therefore equally hateful and 
dangerous to him. In several central schools, 
which really deserved the name of schools, 
some thinking men had already begun to give 
lectures on ethics, history, and statical know- 
ledge — sciences which the French never heard 
of before. Though every thing was still im- 
perfect, the path was at least opened ; yet it 
was thought too dangerous. The conqueror 
only wanted a warlike nation 5 any knowledge 
unnecessary for a soldier, who is implicitly to 
obey, might be spared in public instruction. 
The Jesuits formerly taught Latin and mathe- 
matics ^ the same should be adhered to at pre- 
sent. " Tj^ois maitres de mathimatiques et 
trois de la langue Latine, ca sujfit." Thus 
wrote the First Consul, with his own hand, at 
the bottom of the plan for public instruction, 
presented by the learned Cuvier and Fourcroy, 
after striking it through from the beginning to 
the end. That these worthy men have no 
share in the drawing up of the new consular 



250 BONAPARTE 

regulations, is too evident, by their whole ten- 
or and by the rules : nay, even by the wording 
of them. 

How contemptuous and disgraceful an opi- 
nion must Bonaparte have of the French, by 
thus driving them back into the state of igno- 
rance and barbarism ofpajst centuries: and 
how well does the nation justify his mean opi- 
nion, by basely submitting in silence to this 
degradation. A nation who had to boast of a 
Descartes, a Malebranche, a Bayle, a Pascal, 
a Montesquieu, a Hopital, a Daynesseau, a 
Colbert, a Mabh% a d'Alembert, a Voltaire, 
a Rousseau, a Diderot, a Helvetius, a Raynal, 
a Thomas, a Mirabeau, &c. &c. A nation 
who heard with enthusiasm, and loudly ap- 
plauded the bold language of liberty in the 
■\vorks of Corneille, of Voltaire, and others. 
A nation, who twelve years ago found no 
liberty, no information, no scientific institu- 
ticn, too splendid, too great, or too extensive, 
jaow suffers a stranger, who owes to her all 



And the FRENCH PEOPLE. 251 
his instruction and power, to rob her of her 
liberty, and of every hberal information. 

To tlieir shame be it spoken, they are still 
the very same people they have been described 
by their ovi'n and foreign writers. Gregoire 
de Tours, their famous historian, represented 
the Francs, under their first kings, at the com- 
mencement of the Christian sera, as a feroci- 
ous and savage nation, only softened or over- 
awed by the terrors of Christianity, whose 
kings were a set of unjust and cruel ruffians. 
He paints them as a nation by no means of- 
fended at the atrocities and murders commit- 
ted by their kings, because they were them- 
selves robbers and unjust ; as a nation cer- 
tainly possessed of an established law, but who 
suffered their kings to render that law useless, 
by arbitrary written orders to the judges, 
commanding the disuse of it ; \i'ho permitted 
their kings to abolish these laws, and to put 
any one to death without the form of a trial ; 
to authorise marriages which were prohibited j 



252 BONAPARTE 

to permit nuns to marry ; to withdraw inheri- 
tances from lawful heirs ; and to execute, at 
pleasure, their tyrannous and arbitrary will, 
by a total suppression of all laws. 

Let us now compare these ancient ferocious 
Francs Avith the modern French, as depicted 
by Mably ; " Les FrangoiSy* says he, (Obser- 
vations sur I'Histoire de France, torn. 1. p. 
123.. oeuvres completes de I'Abbe Mably*) 



* Observations on the history of France, from the 
works of the Abbe Mably, vol. 1. page 123. 

The French, says he, abandoned themselves- to 
their passions, and were guided by them ; and con- 
founding licentiousness with liberty, E^ndthe powers of 
tlie law with tyranny, without any rule or principle, 
they were familiarised in a state of anarchy, with all 
those disorders which they knew not how to remedy. 
The interest of the strongest seemed to prevail over 
that of the public. 

Ever disunited, ferocious, savage, and violent, 
treating each other like enemies, regardless of their 
common origin — confounding the most unbounded 
licentiousness with liberty — of an insatiable avidity 
— they foresaw nothing — inconsideration ever was 
the fundamental vice of the nation — they carried im- 
prttdence to an enormous excess — this eternal in- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 253 

" continuerent de se laisser condidre augre de 
leiirs passions et des evhiemens i et confondant 



consideration of the French was joined to the most 
profound ignorance of their antiquity. 

They were plunged into the most profound igno- 
vdnce — into the most barbarous ignorance. 

They were an ignorant and savage pe©ple. 

They were more vain than ambitious. 

Of a misconceived pride. 

They made it a point of honour to be arbitrary. 

From their love of independence arose pride and 
revolt. 

The most inconsiderate nation in the universe, and 
the most easily deceived. 

Ati'ocious Brigands. 

Of a mercenary disposition. 

They suffered themselves to be intimidated and cor- 
rupted; and lost to all shanae, they made use of the 
influence which their situation gave them, to encrease 
their private fortune : violating themselves those laws 
of which they were to be the guardians and protectors - 

Have we not witnessed, in the course of our histo- 
ry, that the French, ever altering and corrupting cus- 
toms, which they thought they were only following, 
had contracted the habit of having no fixed character ; 
they acknowledged no other right but the contradic- 
tory examples of the caprices of their ancestors. 

There is no nation that abandons itself more rashly 
to hope than the French ; but in displaying the great- 



254 BONAPARTE 

la licence avec la liber ti, le poiivoir cles loix avec 
la tyrannic, ne formerent qiC une societi sans 
reale et principe. Its se familiariserent dans 
Vanaixhie avec les desordres aux quels ils 
n'avaient pas Vart de remtdier ; V inter et du 
plus fort semble toujoiirs decider de Vinleret 
public" 

This patriotic historian declares to have 
found his nation daring a thousandyears, " tou~ 
jours desunis„ fervces, hrutaux et emportes, 
se traitant en cnnemis, sans egard pour leur 
origine commune, (vol. 1, p. 152). Confon- 
dant la liceiice la plus extreme avec la liberie 
(vol. 1, p. 157), d'une avidite insatiable (vol. 
1, p. 143). He says of them : " Ils ne pre- 
virent rien, Vinconsideration fut toujour s le 



est courage, no people is more apt to fall into the last 
state of despair. Examine the character of the Freach, 
and then judge how fit they are to resist any govern- 
ment. The vices they have coutracted since the reign 
of Louis XIII. through their effeminacy, avarice, 
luxury, and a servile ambition, have so far degraded 
their soul, that though they have still reason enough 
to fear despotism, they no longer have courage to love 
liberty. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE 255 

vicefondamejital denotre nation (vol. 1, p. 171) 
Us ctaient d'une imprudence cnorme (vol. 2, p. 
43). n inconsideratiou cternelle des Francois 
etoit jointe a V ignorance la plus prof onde de 
leur antiquite vol. 1, p. 318) Us ctaient 
plongcs dans la plus prof onde ignorance (vol. 
% p. 112 — vol. S, p. 34), dans V Ignorance la 
plus harhare (vol. % p. 162!) un peuple igno- 
rajifi brutal (vol. 2, p. 261), plus vain qu 
ambiiieux (vol. S, p. 166) d\me v unite, mat 
entendue (vol. 2, p. 46.) On s'yfaisoit un 
point dUionneur de se conduire arbitrairement 
(vol. 2, p. 13) de Vindependance, Jierti, re- 
volte (vol. 2, p. 14), la nation de Vunivers la 
plusinconsidiree etla plusaisee d. tromper (vol. 
3, p. 11), d^un brigandage atroce (vol. 2, 
p. 53), d^un esprit mercenaire (vol. 2, 27-5), 
Apres s'etre laisses intimider, Us se laisserent 
corrompre ; et prqfiiant enfin sans pudeur du 
credit, que leur donnoit leur emploi pour ac- 
croitre leur fortune domestique, Us viollrent 
eux mhnes les lois, dont Us devaient Hre les 
gardiens el les protecteurs (vol. 2, p. 202). 



256 BONAPARTE 

N'at on pas vu dans tout le cours de notre 
histoire, que les Frangois alterant, changeanty 
de naturant sans cesse les coutumes aiixquelles 
Us croyoient obeij\ avoient contracte lliabi- 
tude de n! avoir aucune tenue dans le carac- 
tere, et ne connoissoient d' autre droit pub- 
lic, que les exemples opposes des caprices et 
des passions de leurs phres (vol. 2, p. 115.) 
// n^y a point de peuple qui se livre plus 
temirairement d, Vesperance que les Fran- 
gois ; mais en montrant le plus grand cou- 
rage, aucun peuple aussi iiHest plus propre 
a tomber dans le dernier decouragement. Ex- 
aminez le caract^re de la nation Frangoise 
et jugez de la resistance qiCil pent appor- 
ter au gouvernement. Les vicesque la moU 
lesse le luxe, V avarice, et une ambition ser- 
vile ontfait contracter aux Frangois depuisle 
regne de Louis XIII. ont tellement affaisse 
leur dme, qu'ayant encore assez de raison pour 
eraindre le despotisme Us n'ont plus assez de 
courage pour aimer la liberie.^' 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 257 

Who could ever think, that this was the 
picture of modem France ? Who could have 
thought, that all the enormous subversions 
which accompanied the revolution ; that all 
the zeal and wisdom of the first national as- 
sembly ; all the undaunted cunning of the 
second ; all the horrors and abominations of 
the convention ; all the pedantry, and talka- 
tive insipidity of the directory ; nay, still 
more, who could have imagined, that a vic- 
torious war of ten years against all Europe, 
could make no imprest>ion on the depraved 
national character ? Who could have thought, 
that, after such revolutions j after so many 
wars and victories, not a Frenchman, but a 
stranger, who fought and conquered by their 
means, could only be found endued with the 
power to chain them down, as Charles Mar- 
tel did a thousand years ago, or as Richelieu, 
in the last century. 

Mably has pointed out the key to solve this 
enigma; it is their utter want of respect to 

Y 



258 BONAPARTE 

the established law. Of what use are a thou- 
sand and ten thousand institutions, devised 
and planned by the most enlightened and re- 
flecting men, if they are to be for ever altered 
by the arrogance and self-conceit of vain le- 
gislators ; often acknowledged by all national 
assemblies, and afterwards rejected, repeated- 
ly published, and again annulled. Of what use 
are they, if the tyranny of selfishness and sen- 
suality over the hearts of men, prevent and 
annihilate their effect. Mirabeau said, with 
sfreat truth, " Ce sont sur tout les bonnes 
moeiirs, sans lesqnelles les meilleures loix ne 
seraient qiCiin frein impuissant. II est un 
despotisme du vice, celui-la sci^oit-il leseul, que 
la ville de Pai^is n auroit pas pu venverser f'^ 
Mirabeau had certainly an opportunity to 
know, from his own experience, how diilicult 
it is to root out this tyranny from the mind, 
even of those who excel all others by their 
mental faculties, talents and energies. Can 
such a conquest be expected from a depraved 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 259 

and light headed people ? They may level 
bastiles to the ground, and sul^vert thrones. 
— There will always be some miscreants 
among them j but they will fmd very few 
who will teach them how to conquer their 
own sensuality, their passions, and lustful de- 
sires. All those who pretend to be zealous for 
the general good, but in reality only think of 
their own intercut, know too well how to 
avail themselves of these vices : Bonaparte 
understood this much better than Charles 
Martcl, or Richelieu. 

There is a most striking similarity between 
them. The character of Charles Martel is 
drawn by Mably in the following words : 
** Celoil un homme qui avoit, iouies les qualitcs 
de I' esprit clans le dsgre le plus eminent ; son 
ambition brillanteyaudacieusc ct sans homes ne 
craignait aucun peril. Aussi dur et inflexible 
envers ses eneviis, que gmereux et prodigue 
pour ses amis, il forga tout le monde a recher- 
cher s a protection. Charles Martel ne voulut 
mcriter que Vamitie de ses soldatSy et se fit 



260 BONAPARTE 

craindre de tout le reste. II traita les Fran- 
gois avec une extreme dureii ; ilfii plus, il les 
meprisa. Ne trouvant partout que des loix 
oublices on violees, il mit a leur place sa VO' 
lonte. Siir d^etre le maitre, taut qiiil aurait 
une armie affectionnie a son service, il Ven- 
richit sans scrupule des depouilles du clergi. 
Charles Martel toujours victorieux et siir de 
la^fideliti de son armee, regarda les capitaines 
qui le suivoient comme le corps entier de la 
nation''* 

* He was a man possessed, in the highest degree, 
of all mental endowments. His brilliant, daving, and 
boundless ambition, dreaded no danger. Hard and 
inflexible towards his enemies, he was equally gene- 
rous and prodigal to his friends. He forced all the 
world to court his protection. Charles Martel sought 
only to merit the love of his soldiers : he was an object 
of terror to all others. He ruled the French, with a 
rod of iron : he did more — 'he despised them. Find- 
ing on all sides the laws slighted, or violated, he sub- 
stituted his will in their stead. Sure ©f being master 
as long as he could depend on the attachment of his 
soldiers, he enriched them, without any scruple, from 
the spoils of the clergy. The ever victoi'ious Charles 
Martel, confiding in the fidelity of his army, looked 
on the captains who followed him, as the whole body 
of the nation* 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 26t 

The same author also draws the character of 
Richelieu, in the following Avords : " Dans le 
moment que la foible sse du governement r en- 
doit tout possible, il parut dans le conseil du 
roi un homme, qui s'eii ctoit ouvert Ventreipar 
la ruse, la fraude et Vartijice, mais fait pour 
dominer par d\autres voies, quand son credit 
seroit qffermi. Richelieu nc avec la passion 
la plus immoderie pour gouverner, n'avoit au- 
<:une des verius, ni mime des lumilres, qiCon 
doit disirer dans ceux, qui sont d. la iHe des 
affaires d^un grand royaume ; il avoit cette 
hauteur et cette infiexibilite, de caractlre, qui 
subjuguent les ames communes, et qui etonnent 
et lassent ceux, quin^ont qu' une prudence et 
wi courage ordinaires. II employoit les mimes 
moyens, dont les rois s'etoient servis pour dis- 
traire la nation du soin de ses affaires domes- 
tiques, et lafagonner cL la docilitemonarchique : 
Il avilissoit les esprits, en les occupant de ce 
que les arts, les sciences, les letters et le com-r 
merce out de plus inutile et de plus attrayant. 
Son luxe contagieux Jit connoitre de nouveaux 



262 BONAPARTK 

besoins qui ruinoient les grands ; forces de 
viendier des faveurs pour etaler tin vainfaste, 
lis se preparolent d. la servitude. La conta- 
gion fuf portee dans tons les ordrcs de Velat i 
des hommes obscurs ^fireni aux depens dii pen- 
pie des fortunes scandaleuscs J on les eiivia, ct 
V amour de Varsient ne laissa subsisier aucune 
elevation dans les dines. Capendant Richelieu 
en avilissant la nation an dedans, la Jaisoit 
respecter au dehors. Plus les entr-cprises du 

ministre itoient grandes et difficileSy plus it 
avoit des pretextes pour ne se soumeftre d au- 
cune regie et gouverner avec un sceptre defer : 
le besoin de Vetat et la necessile lui servoient 
d' excuse auprt^s des Francois, quiloppriinoit,. 
On 7ie fut point innocent, quand on fut soup" 
pnne de pouvoir dcsobeir d ce ministre impi- 
rieux. Repandant d'une ??iain les bienfaits et 
de V autre les disgraces, ilparut plus support- 
able d'etre son csclave que son ennemi. En 
s'emparant de la Justice par I' etablisseme?it des 
appels, les ?^ois s'etoient rendus legislateurs ; 
enfaisant un usage arbitraire de r adniinistra- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 263 

fioii de cetLe justice, liichdku jugea qu *it se 
rendroit d(',spolique. II inlervertit Cordre de 
tons ks tribimaiix, it cut des magistrals tou- 
joiu'.i prcts a scrvir scs passions. Ce que 
Machiavel conscille an tyran qu ^il instruit, 
Richelieu Vextcuta. La cour, pleiiie d^espions 
el de delateurs par lesquels Richelieu voit tout, 
entend tout, est present partojit, scmble tombee 
dans la Stupidite. On sent le danger de for- 
mer des cabales j tant la degradation des eS" 
prils est grande, et le poids de la servitude ac- 
cablant, ce nest plus que par un assassinat 
qiion songe a suriir de Coppression^* 

* At the moment when the weakness of government 
rendered every attempt possible, there appeared in the 
King's council a man who found his way there by craft, 
fmud, and artifice ; but capable of distinguishing him- 
self by different qualities, as soon as his power should 
be confirmed : This was no other than Richelieu. He 
was born with a most immoderate love of money. He 
was possessed of none of the virtues, nor even the 
qualities desirable in those at the head of a mighty 
empire : he had that haughtiness and inflexibility of 
character which overcome common souls j and which 
astonish and weary those who have but an ordinary 



264 bonapart:^ 

Tlie similarity of character between Bona- 
parte and Richelieu is most striking ; but it 

share of pi'iidence and courage. He used the same 
arts practised by the kings, to divert the nation from 
their attention to domestic affairs, and to fashion 
them to monarchical docility. He kept the minds 
of the French in a state of degradation, in fixing themi 
on what is most useless, but most attractive, in the 
arts, sciences, letters, and commerce. His contagi^- 
ous luxury gave birth to new wants, which ruiaed the 
great ; who, forced to crave favors, in order to dis- 
play empty pageantry, were preparing for them* 
selves the shackles of slavery. This baneful pesti- 
lence pervaded all the orders of the state. Men born 
in ebscurity scandalously enriched themselves at the 
expense of the people : they were envied, and the 
love of money smothered every generous impulse. 
But, whilst Richelieu suffered the nation to degrade 
itself at home, he caused it to be universally respect- 
ed abroad. The more the enterprises ef the minis- 
ter were splendid and difficult, the greater was his 
pi'etext for shaking ofi" all restraint, and governing 
the nation with a sceptre of iron. Necessity and the 
wants of the state were his excuse in the eyes of the 
French, whom he thus continually oppressed : to be 
suspected of disobedience was, in the opinion of this 
minister, to be guilty. Diffusing benefits with one 
hand, and disgraces with the other, it was more de- 
sirable to be his slave than his enemy. In fettering 
justice by tiie establishment of appeals, kings were- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 265 

is not the only one. The French at these 
different periods are in their disposition and 
situation equally alike. All their writers of 
the last century, from Montesquieu to Mira- 
beau, nay, even to the latest, as Necker, 
Riouffe, Mounier, Chenier, represent their 
own nation so sadly neglected and depraved, 
both in a political and moral point of view, 
that neither a good constitution, nor its ob- 
servance ; nor a lasting and consequent re- 
sistance to a bad one forced upon them ; nay, 
not even the sufficient publicity of sound and 

become legislators ; and Richelieu, in the arbitrary 
administration of that justice, aimed at becoming des- 
potic< He subverted the order of all the tribunals, 
and the magistrates were ever found subservient to 
his will. What Machiavel advises to the tyrant 
whom he instructed, Richelieu executed. The court 
which was full of spies and informers, by whose dili- 
gence Richelieu saw and heard every thing, seemed 
falling into stupidity. They fell the danger of form- 
ing cabals. So degraded was the genius of the 
French, so oppressive was the weight of slavery, that 
assassination only left them the hope of freeing them- 
selves from bondage. 

Z 



266 BONAPARTE 

fiober judgment may be expected from them. 
Such being the want of penetration of cha- 
racter, of yocial and moral virtue in French- 
men, it is only surprising, that, during the fif- 
teen years of the revolutionary commotions, 
not one man has risen possessed of sufficient 
military and political talents, of sufficient ar- 
rogance, courage, energy, and perseverance, 
to make himself their sole master. The man 
who can accomphsh this great end, must not 
even be a Frenchman. It is as if the old na- 
tional vices had so far poisoned and enervated 
every individual, that the whole country will 
never be able to produce one single man en- 
dowed with the talents requisite to attain the 
supreme dignity j and yet such an one sud- 
denly sprang up from a small, inconsiderable 
nation, whose character is the very reverse 
of the French. This man, during his short 
stay among them, saw them undergo all the 
vicissitudes and changes to which a great 
nation may ever be exposed. He watched 
them during all these times of commotion^ 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 267 

and found them to be the same uninformed, 
faithless, light headed, cruel nation, without 
cliaracter, as both ancient and modern history 
depicts them. He profited by this experience, 
Ca3sar and Machiavel, whom he constantly 
studied, taught him that this people might 
have courage enough to make a furious attack, 
but that they had neither energy nor patience 
to endure v/ith fortitude a continued opposi- 
tion., or unavoidable misfortunes. He was 
possessed of both ; and had, moreover, that 
daring com'age, by which every thing may 
be obtained from this vi'eak and fickle people. 
He placed himself boldly at their head j he 
incessantly led them to attacks and victories j 
he threw out baits and allurements to their 
interested views and sensual appetites. Ea- 
gerly catching and swallowing them, they 
did not perceive how this man, confiding in 
the army, now gradually seized upon every 
civil power. If by chance they looked up 
to him j if they appeared to listen, then he 



268 BONAPARTE 

flattered their vanity witli specious, hypocri- 
tical cant, made the fairest promises, which 
he never intended to perform, and gave them 
hopes where none remained. This satisfied 
the eager multitude : this pleased the vanity 
of those, who are ever on the wing to catch 
at more than they have either sense to keep or 
make use of. Whatever they may have for- 
merly acquired, they must now surrender it, 
for the preservation of his power and security. 
He understands how to represent these fan- 
tises to them as resignations, which their na- 
tional honor and safety fully demand. Thus 
he leads them on, in a continual giddy round 
of vain expectations ; and like a poor, but 
clever dancing-master, when his children ask 
for bread, he bids them dance. He is watch- 
ful and cunning enough to satisfy their desire 
for plunder on every occasion, and his con- 
duct towards England will shew this most 
clearly ; but first, it may be necessary to say 
a few words on his treatment of Switzer- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 269 
land. The fate of this devoted country was de- 
cided during the disputes between England 
and France. He had ordered fifty-six depu- 
ties from the Swiss senate, towns, and can- 
tons, to Paris, where they had already been 
several months, without being admitted to 
his presence, to deliberate with him. The 
four senators, Barthelemy, Roederer, Fouche, 
and Demeunier, were commissioned b}^ Bo- 
naparte to treat v/ith them, to hear' their pro- 
posals, and, if possible, to bring them to a 
final decision. Yet the difference of opinions 
continued always the same : Many of the 
honest Swiss deputies stood firm against all 
the arts and persuasions of Roederer and 
Fouche. 

Bonaparte therefore ordered ten deputies 
to be chosen from a select committee, who 
might personally confer with him on the in- 
terest of Switzerland. He expressly com- 
manded that five democratic and five aristo- 
cratic deputies should be chosen. The depu- 



270 BONAPARTE 

ties were not a little embarrassed by this 
command. Nobody could wish to be looked 
upon as either of the two j their own senti- 
ments and their instructions stood often in 
contradiction with such an appellation. Many 
deputies of former democratic states, accord- 
ing to their instruction and their own private 
sentiments, wished for several aristocratic mea- 
sures for their own canton : with other depu- 
ties it was the reverse. Bonaparte, hke a good 
soldier, insisted on a plain, unequivocal an- 
swer J and he was not to be denied. Many 
of the most courageous and eloquent depu- 
ties, who were not easily influenced or fright- 
ened into submission, were excluded by the 
manoeuvre of this committee. 

A conference between Bonaparte and the 
select committee took place. The active se- 
nators wrote down the pretended resolutions, 
made a constitution for all the Swiss cantons, 
and he delivered it on the nineteenth of Fe- 
bruary to the ten deputies, commanding them 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 271 
to comply with it. He was so modest as to 
call this bestowing of a blessed constitution 
on the Swiss, only an act of mediation. The 
several and distinct forms of government 
which Bonaparte gave to the different Swiss 
cantons ; the act of federation, by which they 
were to be united in one body. The special 
usages, customs, and forms to be observed j 
the liquidation of all debts contracted by the 
Swiss during the revolution, and the appli-? 
cation of the national property, were likewise 
settled by this act of mediation. 

Bonaparte, who has done greater harm to 
the honest Swiss than any manj who has. 
brought them to the brink of the precipice ; 
who has rendered them, for centuries, unable 
to preserve and defend themselves by their 
own means ; had the impudence to address 
them, in the preface of his act of mediation, 
in the following terms > — " U Helvetia, en 
proie aux dissensions etoit mmacie de disso- 
lution J elle ne pouvoit trouver en elle mime 
les moyens de se reconstiCuer. Uancienne 



272 BONAPARTE 

affection de la nation Francoise pour ce peu- 
pie recommandable, qiC elle a recemment de- 
fendu par ses armes, etfait reconnoitre com- 
me puissance, par ses traitis ; Vintiret de la 
France et de la republique Italienne, dont la 
Suisse couvre les frontieres j la demande du 
shiat, celle des cantons dcmocratiques, le voeu 
du peuple entier, nous out fait un devoir d^n- 
terposer notre mediation entre les parties, qui 
le divisent, STc* 

He named also, by this act, the canton 
which was to have the directorial power for 
the year 1803 ; and fixed upon Freburg, 



* Helvetia, a prey to dissensions, was menaced with 
approaching dissolution. It did not possess in itself 
the means of renovation. The ancient affection of 
France for that respectable people whom she has late- 
ly defended with her arms, and caused to be acknow- 
ledged by her treaties, as an independent state ; the 
interest of the French and the Italian republics, whose 
frontiers are limited by Switzerland ; the request of 
the senate and the democratic cantons, and the voice 
of the whole nation have imposed on us the duty of 
mediating between the parties by which it is divided. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 273 
where he appointed the Count d'Affry as 
Landaman. This is the same man who for- 
merly served in France, where he had the 
command of the royal Swiss guards. On the 
tenth of August, when these brave and loyal 
men defended their unfortunate master and 
the royal palace against the fury of the po- 
pulace, and were mortally massacred, he did 
not command them. He went afterwards 
before the convention, and to save his own 
life, declared that he did not head the Swiss 
on that day, though the queen had very much 
pressed him to do so the day before, to pro- 
tect the king and the royal family against the 
furious Parisian populace. The savage mon- 
sters in the convention were rejoiced at this 
deposition, as they found some ground on 
which they might build the accusation of the 
queen, whose death they had vowed. They 
pardoned the hoary traitor. He seems to 
make a very good use of his fortunate escape 
for the benefit of his pious countrymen. He 

A S 



274> BONAPARTE 

lately supplicated the Pope in a very devout 
letter, to extend the blessings of his protection 
to the Swiss. His Holiness never shuts his 
ears against the earnest prayers of true be- 
lievers i he has therefore bestowed his paternal 
blessings and protection on the humble Swiss -, 
and nuns, and monk^, and brevets and bulls 
out of number have been issued to prevent 
the circulation of dangerous heretical books, 
and to promote chastity : such have been the 
precious tokens of papal benignity. 

To save . all further trouble to the Swiss, 
\\ho certainly were unable to help themselves, 
the presidents of all the nineteen committees 
who were to introduce the new constitution 
into their respective cantons, and provisionally 
to govern, were appointed also by the equally 
benign Bonaparte. Nobody will be surprised 
that not one single individual, of those Swiss, 
who had distinguished themselves, in the lat- 
ter years, as zealous and patriotic defenders 
of their ancient liberty, w^as included in thft 
number. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 27S 

The consular regulation concerning the 
debts which the Swiss had contracted, begins 
also with an order by which the restitution of 
all estates, formerly belonging to convents, is 
strictly commanded. 

A solemn promise was made at the same 
time, that all French troops should evacuate 
Switzerland, as soon as the new constitution 
could be introduced and settled. A year has 
now elapsed since this has been done, and the 
French troops are still there. It is a qtiestion, 
whether their removal be desirable for most cf 
the cantons. No good has resulted from the 
new constitution, which many were in hopes 
would in some measure restore tranquillity. 
None had reason to be so satisfied, as to think 
the country much benefited. The discontent 
and fermentation are greater than ever ; and 
the poor, honest, though passionate Swiss, who 
probably do not penetrate the final views of 
Bonaparte, are every moment exposed to the 
.sad alternative of either inconsiderately flying 



srs BONAPARTE 

to arms, or running the risk of falling into 
the snare laid for them, even sooner than Bo- 
naparte himself may expect. Switzerland, 
thus shackled, degraded, and oppressed, be- 
comes, for an attentive observer of Bonaparte's 
usurpation and rigid aggrandizement, an ob- 
ject of serious reflection ; as those unjustifiable 
measures may be the forerunners of similar 
attempts in future. 

Having finished with the Swiss, he now 
tried his strength on the English ambassador. 
Private interviews, amicable jests, airs of fa- 
miliarity, confidential insinuations — all his arts 
were employed : but after some private con- 
ferences with Lord Whitworth, regularly pre- 
ceded by private consultations between the 
latter and the R ussian, Prussian, and other am- 
bassadors with Talleyrand ; after having in 
vain exhausted all his powers, and at last all 
his insolence, with the immovable Englishman, 
the First Consul must have been convinced 
that England wished for war ; as she really was 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. ZTT 

ashamed of the disadvantageous peace she had 
concluded. Her object was to put a stop to Bo- 
naparte's hostile preparations, and thwart his 
too incautious plans of aggrandizement. Me- 
diations could certainly be of no avail, and yet 
he very anxiously wished for the interference 
of the Russian and Prussian courts. He sent 
his favorite Duroc to Berlin, with proposals, 
which had nothing less in view, than the total 
destruction of England — his last and principal 
opponent in Europe. If Duroc succeeded in 
disposing the Prussian court in favor of Bona- 
parte's designs, as far as he should think it 
proper to acquaint the Prussian cabinet with 
them — if he could prevail upon the King of 
Prussia to take an active part in the war 
against England, he was then to proceed to 
Petersburgh, in order to accomplish his mis- 
sion : but General Duroc soon returned from 
Berlin. The Prussian court looked upon the 
present dispute as a matter which concerned 
England and France alone; as the English 



.2f8 BONAPARTE 

ambassador had often justly complained of the 
little gbservance of some articles in the treaty 
on the part of France, and her eagerness for 
conquest. This, also, was most probably 
mentioned to the favorite emissary, though he 
was dismissed with the most obliging assur- 
ances of friendship towards the First Consul, 
after having himself experienced the most po- 
lite treatment and personal respect. 

Bonaparte now seeing himself involved in a 
war with England, sooner than he had first 
intended, would willingly have induced all 
Europe, if possible, to share in the contest : 
but the prudent and moderate answers of the 
two northern courts soon convinced him that 
he had not with foreign powers that influence 
he perhaps imagined. He must also perceive 
that other nations had by no means that 
contemptible opinion of England and its in- 
ternal state, which he had too clearly mani- 
fested, by his contemptuous behaviour since 
the disadvantageous treaty of peace, which he 






AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 279 

had so easily obtained. He must also find, 
that their opinion of England and his were 
widely dilFerent : they did not think that she 
was unable henceforth to meddle with the 
affairs of the continent, or too far humbled 
ever to cherish such a presumption. On the 
contrary, these courts must have become a lit- 
tle more cautious by his own conduct towards 
England ; and much more so by his insidious 
proposals, his unbounded arrogance, and im- 
moderate ambition ; however fair and polite 
his words and promises were, by which he 
thought rulers might be flattered and ensnared. 
His overbearing deportment towards England, 
by which he very imprudently roused her na- 
tional pride, proved highly offensive to those 
sovereigns who thought themselves connected 
and allied with the English court, by different 
ties from those of the First Consul, splendid' 
as his successes may have been. 

When Bonaparte now saw that the Englisfe 
were 'n% earnest, he left uothiog untried to re-' 



280 BONAPARTE 

tain the English ambassador at Paris 3 and af- 
ter having failed in his attempts, he still con- 
tinued to apply for the mediation of these 
courts, to avert if possible the renewal of hos- 
tilities. 

The Russian Ambassador was at this time 
suspected of not having sufficiently exerted 
liimself, before the departure of Lord Whit- 
worth, in executing the instructions of his 
master in the offer of his mediation. Its 
failure drew upon him the rudeness and arro- 
gance of Bonaparte j but the Emperor justly 
resenting such insolence, immediately recalled 
his ambassador, who on taking leave, with no- 
ble firmness said to the Chief Consul, That his 
sole ambition was to obtain the approbatioi^ 
of his emperor, and that he gloried in saying 
that he had succeeded. He did not express a 
wish for his approbation, nor did he manifest 
the least fear of his displeasure. Many am- 
bassadors at Paris would not have dared to 
display such magnanimity. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 281 
Whilst Bonaparte was craving the media- 
tion of Russia, he obtained the promise from 
the Prussian court, that it would not interfere 
in the protection of the Hanoverian dominions; 
in return, he guaranteed the security of the 
Prussian dominions ; this surely could be of 
little use to a power, that has more than 
200,000 excellent troops> ready to march at 
a moment's notice. He availed himself of 
these modest and peacefiil sentiments, to the 
benefit of his army, anq the replenishing of 
his treasury. 

He immediately sent about 20,000 men, 
the half of whom were scarcely clothed and 
mounted. The general, at their head, must 
have been very sure not to meet with any 
resistance, as most of his troops who first 
reached the Hanoverian dominions, were en- 
tirely unprovided with artillery and ammuni- 
tion. To the astonishment of all Germany, 
to the no less great surprise of the French 
soldiers themselves, who, also, knew the bra- 
b2 



282 BONAPARTE 

veiy of the Hanoverian troops, who, with their 
own eyes, saw the excellent state of their dis- 
cipline ; the whole Hanoverian army ; all the 
Hanoverian artillery and ordnance ; all their 
rich stores ; all the royal property was de- 
livered up, without striking a single blow. 
The French troops were new clothed, from 
Hanoverian manufactures, and were mounted 
by their horses. A number of the best, out 
of the royal stud, and in the country, were 
sent to Bonaparte, (for his family and consular 
guards ; and as if the poor Hanoverian inha^ 
bitants, who had nothing to do with the 
quarrels and disputes between England and 
France, the innocent spectators of all these 
troubles, as if they were not sufficiently op- 
pressed by the French, were compelled to 
catch a number of stags alive, and to carry 
them in large waggons, with six horses, to 
Paris, for the park of Madame Bonaparte. 

The Hanoverian ordnance was forwarded 
with such rapidity to France, that the guns. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 283 

too heavy to be transported, were literally 
sawed through, and dispatched in pieces, to 
be re-founded there. 

Though the public proclamations, and the 
official Parisian newspapers asserted, that this 
country and its army had been only taken in 
trust, in order to withdraw from the enemy 
a reinforcement of troops, and an addition 
to his revenue ; though this country had been 
spontaneously given up by its states, to se- 
cure it against the treatment usual in such 
cases, it was, nevertheless, treated with the 
accustomed rapaciousness, and is now obliged 
to raise increased pay for the enemy's troops ; 
yet, the soldier only receives a third part of 
it, and the officers nothing at all. The sur- 
plus, as well as all ready money arising from 
other exactions, goes into the treasury of 
France, independently of which, officers and 
soldiers must be found in board, lodging, 
and every other necessary, by the citizens 



284 BONAPARTE 

and peasants. All movable articles, of any 

use to tlie French, were carried off. 

The troops are continually exchanged. Af- 
ter having been clothed and mounted, they 
are sent home, and other troops replace them, 
who are to be clothed, and mounted also. 
This will certainly last as long as Hanover 
can continue to provide them with clothes, 
leather, horses, &c. As it is, however, unable 
any longer to raise the money required, by 
the French, the Hanoverian dominions are 
already offered in pledge, to contract loans, 
and the neighbouring imperial towns are in- 
sulted with proposals to that effect. 
. The French generals, and commissaries, 
have taken possession of the royal palaces, and 
the houses of the fugitive fathers of the coun- 
try 3 they lead there a most luxurious and 
prodigal life, and all -at the expence of the 
unfortunate inhabitants. They celebrate their 
republican and despotic anniversaries alter- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 285 
nately, and with the most petulant ostenta- 
tion ; treating the poor Hanoverians with 
marked contempt. They sent for their wives, 
mistresses, children, &c. &c. in order to have 
them fattened, and enriched on this devoted 
soil. 

This happy destiny, for one part of the 
French troops, has had the effect of tranquil- 
lising the whole army. The soldiers, in gene- 
ral, are so sparingly kept, in their garrisons, 
that they would inevitably starve, if their 
chiefs did not discover ways and means, by 
obtaining for them small parcels of land, to 
cultivate potatoes and turnips. The soldiery- 
view these depredations on the domains of the 
king of England, in, Germany, as the prelude 
to that long promised, grand, and famous 
achievement, viz. the invasion and plunder 
of Great Britain. This reconciles them to the 
hard fare which they extort from the Dutch 
and Low-countrymen, who are already over- 
whelmed by their burthen, and see their 



28& BONAPARTE 

own countrymen starve on the coast, whilst 
they are compelled to give up every thing to 
strangers. Another, equally numerous, divi- 
sion of the French army, which was intended 
for the happier elimes of Asia, and Egypt, 
make shift, for the present, with what the 
Neapolitans are able to afford 3 and wait there 
the grand future events, which may, perhaps, 
end in the final expulsion of the Turks from 
Europe and Egypt. 

The Hanoverians, though they may greatly 
lose in property, in health, and in long life, 
fmd, at least, an opportunity of becoming bet- 
ter informed of the real French character, and 
its despotic chief. A Frenchman is an incon- 
siderate, often times, a wellmeaning and pas- 
sionate talker, and it will ease him greatly ifj 
after three years silence, he can speak his 
mind. What the soldiers now loudly, and with- 
out exception, express on their situation, on 
the doubts and fears, with which they marched 
against the respectable, well provided, Hano-* 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 287 
verian troops ; on the robberies and imposLi 
tions of their leaders, commissaries, and place- 
men 3 on the despotism of their consul, who 
is guarded like the grand Sultan j on the ar- 
rogance and haughtiness of his ministers, and 
council; all this will give the inhabitants a 
much better idea of this country, of the state 
of the French army, and its government, than 
they, perhaps, had, when like other. individu- 
als, who were disgusted at the oppression of 
their government, they, by no means, looked 
with displeasure upon the approach of French 
troops. 

There is not, perhaps, one Hanoverian to 
be found at present, who would not look upon 
the departure of the French, and the restora- 
tion of his government, as the greatest bless- 
ing ; though before he might not have been so 
veiy anxious for the persons who formed the 
regency. There is hardly any one amongst 
them who would not expose his life, rather 
than see his native land gradually perish by 



288 BONAPARTE 

this slow mode of execution. Probably thej 
would have met with timely aid from the 
neighbouring countries, if they had followed 
their first impulse, and made a noble stand 
against the troops who were collecting in the 
neighbourhood, and undoubtedly for some- 
thing better than the mere amusement of the 
regent. The anger of some neighbours on the 
awkward undignified conduct of the Hano- 
verian regency, for which an ungenerous re- 
venge is certainly taken on the innocent peo- 
ple, would have cooled : their own interest 
would have induced them to consider what 
might be the consequences if a neighbouring 
state, which had to claim the protection of 
the German empire, meanly yielded, and be- 
came a sacrifice to the superior power of a 
cruel and rapacious enemy. These neighbours 
must now see already to their sorrow, that the 
conduct of the French government does not 
answer their ill-placed confidence. God for- 
bid that Bonaparte should give them still 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 289 

greater causes of dissatisfaction ; but of all the 
attempts that ever entered the mind of adespot 
none appear too great for this consul. He is of 
a restless disposition and ever inclined to grasp 
at more. His heroic and encroaching charac- 
ter will make him pursue what other men be- 
fore him, only wished to obtain. He will hardly 
follow the steps of^Charlemagne, who always 
kept up his constitution at home, and would 
never infringe the rights and government of 
other countries, though he was always most 
successful in his enterprises. He will rather 
imitate Charles V. or Louis XIV ; with the 
exception of his military qualities, he very 
much resembles the former. Charles the fifth 
was ho hero. The picture which has been 
drawn of this monarch, by one of the greatest 
historians, exactly suits Bonaparte. " This em- 
*' peror, ever on the watch, was more active than 
" could be expected from his weak constitu- 
" tion ; as he possessed more of the statesman 
" than of the hero, he was always the more cau- 
ci2 



290 BONAPARTE 

" tious the more doubtful his object ; as he was 
" himself an adept in dissimulation, he did not 
" trust others ; his combinations were just as. 
" long aslie kept himself cool ; he was simple 
** in his manner of living, and not without 
" affability in his outward deportment." He 
made the welfare of the roman catholic church 
apretence to pursue his private plans against the 
protestants — Charles betrayed hischaracter.— 
Contempt of mankind is the true criterion of 
despots. They abound in words , pride and 
arrogance, defiance and scorn are the means by 
which they endeavour to command esteem. 
Charles shewed too early his disdain for the 
states of Germany. — Though America was 
plundered duringhis reign, he oftenfelt the want 
of money. His armies exacted their pay from 
foes, extorted it from friends. The suppression 
of genius, and compulsion in all its dreary forms 
were his continual aim. Craftiness was his 
Qhief quality. His countenance never betrayed 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 291 
the sentiments of his heart, and soft persuasion 
ever flowed from his smooth tongue- 

If this second Charles, this active, cautious, 
mistrusting, well-combining, simple, popular, 
despotic, haughty, proud, scornful, and deceit- 
ful tyrant, who is versed in dissimulation, who 
deals in fair words, who favours the roman catho- 
lics, who makes both friends and foes pay for his 
troops, though Europe and Africa have been 
plundered by him, who makes suppression of 
genius, and compulsion in all forms, his study, 
whose chief trait is duplicity, in whose coun- 
tenance nothing speaks, but his tongue softly 
vibrates on the ear. 

If this modern Charles, who possesses the 
lustre of a hero, which the other wanted ; if he 
should now come forth against Germany, with 
his plan of an universal monarchy — will there 
he found a second Maurice of Saxony to sub- 
vert it ? 

The right moment of resistance had been 
suffered to escape in those ancient times : Yet 



292 BONAPARTE 

the consolatory truth, that superiority of power 
and cunning will wreck on the rock of flaming 
patriotism, and the manly energies of a people 
struggling for their liberty, remains. The 
Smaikaldian bond was signed, and its objects 
were carried with patriotic zeal. 

If Bonaparte, like Louis XIV. should have 
it in view to possess a state of the German em- 
pire, why should it be thought impossible, as the 
king of England has had one for the last centu- 
ry .? — If he project this, and purpose drawing 
all the smaller states into his interest, to take 
them under his protection, and thus to weaken 
the whole body, and to govern in Germany as 
he does in Italy — will there be another Philip 
of MentZjto rise and join all the princes of Ger- 
many into one general defensive alliance ? — 
Will he be able to unite the jarring interests of 
such jealous neighbours ? When this noble and 
patriotic elector planned the grand confede- 
racy, two ministers of important powers made 
quite contradictory remonstrances. Many of 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 29S 

the princes of the empire were already in the 
habit of looking only for their security to 
France. Even at that period, not one of the 
powers in Germany could singly resist Louis, 
who was master of the finest empire ; who 
called forth all his energies to render himself 
the legislator for kings and republics , yet the 
general alliance was carried. 

Germany has oftenbeen saved by the power- 
ful union of its princes, against Spain, Austria, 
and France ; but there never was a time, when 
the empire wanted a general alliance of its 
princes more than at the present conjuncture, 
if France should not weaken itself by its spirit 
of revenge on England, and its projects of con- 
quests in Asia and Africa. To prepare this al- 
liance, it is the duty of all protestant northern 
states to insist upon the evacuation of the Ha- 
noverian territory, whose seizure the states of 
the German empire should never have permit- 
ted. If the emperor Alexander succeed in his 



294 BONAPARTE 

mediation, then Germany, and particularly 
the protestant part, will owe him greater 
thanks, than even the king of Great Britain ; 
and the former may rejoice for the first time 
in having obtained the support of Russia. 

A great weight would be given to a general 
alliance of all the northern German Sovereigns, 
by the accession of the noble-minded Alexan- 
der.-^Bonoparte has done much to render such 
an alliance more powerful, by imprudently de- 
stroying all the ecclesiastical states, and ag- 
grandizing the Protestant electors. German 
princes will certainly not be so lost to them- 
selves, and to their country, as to believe that 
they are bound so tosacrifice their own and their 
subjects' welfare, as to become the vassals of 
France, or to neglect the interest of the whole 
Germanic Empire and their northern aihes, to 
please the arbitrary robber, and by increasing 
their territory, cause them to be listless spec- 
tators of the ruin of their neighbours. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. s§S 

If they were, may the example of the great 
model for all German Princes, may th6 ef- 
forts of the great Frederic of Prussia serve 
them as a guide. His active zeal in crea;ting 
the last union, which was too soon dissolved, is 
before their eyes. If, before his penetrating 
looks, it could have ever come to this, he, the 
great, disinterested, and resolute Prince, would 
now undoubtedly resign every quiet and per- 
sonal enjoyment for the sake of public safety. 
He would call upon all German Princes, with 
patriotic enthusiasm, to stand forward in their 
own defence. 

" Malheureux ! vous creusez des gouffres 
sous vos pas ; 

" Vous leur payerez cher leur funeste assis- 
tance ; 

" Ces superbes tyrans intrus dans vos etats, 

" Vous comptent asservir sous leur obeis- 
sance. 



296 BONAPARTE 

" Que leurs dangereux essaims, 
" Vous feront verser de larmes ! 
" Vos mains aiguisent les armes 
" De ces periides voisins.* 

The example of this great promoter of gen- 
nine civil liberty, and of the only possible 
equality, namely the equality of law j this 
friend to moral light, is still looked uponandfol- 
lowed as a pattern by his nephew, with the best 
and purest zeal . Shall this great and generous 
resolution, to support the independence, and the 
rights of Germany, in which his great ancestor 
has given so glorious an example, shall it not be 
imitated by this noble successor ? Yes ! he can- 
not suffer, that the light which beneficially shone 
on his countrymen, should be taken from them 

* Unhappy victims ! you are running headlong to 
destruction. Those proud tyrants, once in your ter- 
ritories, will make you groan under their yoke ; you 
will rue their fatal assistance. What tears will their 
barbarous hordes cause you to shed. Your bands are 
sharpening the weapons of those perfidious neighbours. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 297 

by their despotic neighbour. He, the great 
friend of learning, and the careful reformer of 
public schools in his dominions, will not suffer 
that the declared enemy of knowledge and 
truth, who orders only one book throughout 
his vast empire, for all the schools, should 
now spread desolation and barbarity over the 
German soil, where learning and sciences, 
deserted from France, have now found an 
asylum. 

The assertion of the inferiority of the French 
to the Germans, in knowledge, learning, and 
judgment, may perhaps, surprise those, who 
know the French only from the works of their 
most celebrated writers 3 but it will not astonish 
those, who have lived for some time in France. 
It cannot have escaped the latter, that the 
seemingly better informed people there exhibit 
only a cultivation and refinement in luxury, 
and are not nossessed of that sound and sober 
judgment, nor that well informed mind, which 
is the touchstone of genuine knowledge. It 
D2t 



298 BONAPARTE 

well applies to them, what our countrymaa 
Moser said, sixteen years ago, when the rage 
of French governors and governesses, for the 
education of children in Germany, had spread 
far and wide, and the sentimental romances 
of France were looked upon as the best sources 
of every accomplishment. 

" This new method of education," says Mo- 
ser, " will teach them perhaps to cut out 
frills and fringes, but it is the most ridiculous 
folly to prefer mere vain parade to real use. 
Where luxury is founded upon affluence, it is 
proper, and can be of service to the state ; but 
where it is sought, even when the necessaries 
of life are wanting, where the mind, being 
a stranger to the most essential rudiments, 
will fly upwards, and partake of the nourish- 
ment fit for superior wisdom only, it is nothing 
but splendid misery, and the consequences are 
dreadful. By thus prematurely climbing up 
into regions adapted only to the highest intel- 
lectual capacities j the soul unlearns the good 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 299 

and honest virtues of common sense, the boast- 
ed endowment of our good mothers ; when 
dressed in their velvet caps, the heart sickens 
at the common domestic duties , it is deceived 
into hopes and desires, which even a romantic 
writer is unable to realise. After having tickled 
our palate in this manner by continual luxu- 
ries, we must at last have recourse to strono- 
liquors and highly-seasoned viands, to excite a 
relish for common food ; so the soul must take 
her flight into the wild regions of ecstasies, to 
drive away the tedious hours, and solace the 
vacant heart." 

The more cultivated part of the French have 
drawn their instructions from the witty and 
sarcastic writers of the last century alone ; 
and it being a kind of national disease to hunt 
after them, every one profited by the agreeable 
lessons of their agreeable teachers j valets and 
chambermaids soon learnt to satirise and sneer 
as much at the most important and sacred sub- 
jects, as Voltaire and Rousseau themselves. 



300 BONAPARTE 

though they had not the least conception of 
the nature of th6 subject. How false, imper- 
fect and impracticable were the fundamental 
principles of these leaders ! How unfit w^as 
Rousseau to be a judge of constitutions, as he 
tries them only by the touchstone of' his ima- 
gination, or metaphysical theories, \rithout re- 
curring to history, or to circumstances, as a 
monitor; yet his pohtical and philosophical 
speculations were the foundations on which 
the wise men in France attempted to erect 
their new buildings of egg shells. 

The greatest part of the nation, and all who 
have not lived in the principal towns, or their 
neighbourhood, are wholly uncultivated, and 
uninformed of their constitution, their rights, 
and nobler duties ; they are only fit for me- 
chanical employments. This want of all moral 
information frustrated all the endeavours of 
the most enlightened men in France, who, at 
the beginning of the revolution, only wanted to 
found a reasonably limited monarchy. It has 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 301 

been the cause of all the horrors of anarchy, 
and the wild delirium of demagogues. It has 
made the re-establishment of the most arbitra- 
ry despotism probable, which is now so well 
organized, that it has rendered the prevention 
almost impossible. 

The first national assembly w^as undoubtedly 
composed of the flower of all classes and or- 
ders, but it wanted firmness, character, and 
perseverance, to fix the basis of the well- 
planned edifice ; and to secure it so firmly, that 
any improvement and ornament might be 
added without danger. They went on con- 
structing ; and when doubts and fears after- 
wards arose, they gave it up to the second as- 
sembly to complete, after having left it in such 
a tottering state, that the first storm- could 
blow it down. In their folly, or instigated by 
their jealousy of each other, they debarred 
themselves from assisting and directing the 
new journeymen, by enacting, that no mem-^ 
ber of the first, should accept the place of a mi- 
nister, nor be chosen a member of the second 



S02 BONAPARTE 

assembly. Therefore the way into the minis- 
try and the legislative body stood open only 
to an ignorant uncultivated multitude. 

That this multitude seized upon ministry 
and legislation appeared too clearly, even at 
its first sittings. The former could be furious, 
and sometimes uncivil, but it never sunk into 
senseless vulgarity. It was now, as if another 
nation had taken possession of the seat of go- 
vernment. Even the better description of its 
members, who formed the party of the Gironde, 
were but indifferent or partial substitutes 
for the chief persons in the former assembly, 
such as Mirabeau, Sieyes, La Rochefoucault, 
Cazales, Rabaut, Lameth, and others. Their 
exertions were too impotent and fearful, to be 
able to withstand the fury of the rough and 
stout children of ignorance ; they were subdu- 
ed, and the men of the most violent disposi- 
tions, and of the most uncultivated minds, re- 
cruited themselves from others of the same 
stamp, and a genuine representation of the 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 303 

dross and rabble of the nation was to be found 
as law-givers to this populous country. The 
care of learning, and the arts, the sacred zeal 
for liberty of conscience, and liberty of the 
press i the blessed respect of the rights of pro- 
perty, and of the laws vanished ; and in their 
stead arose contempt of letters, persecution, 
and annihilation of all liberty. Scorn of the 
established law, and a desolating rapacity 
began to prevail. The great and profound ig- 
norance of the multitude was perceived in 
these times of desolation, by the nation itself, 
and still more by their neighbours. In their 
armies, by which ruin was spread to adjoining 
countries, and in the public offices of France, 
insane and boisterous as they might be, there 
was still some sort of regularity and responsi- 
bility to be observed. Accounts and lists 
were found necessary, though there was no de- 
pendence upon their accuracy. A greater 
number of men were required, who understood 
%iires, and wrote a legible handj than fornner- 



504 BONAPARTE 

Ij, when the whole was trusted into the 
hands of a few despoilers, or fermiers ge- 
niraux. But excepting those, who were 
brought up to mercantile business, there was 
such a want of men who were acquainted with 
the first rudiments of learning, that they were 
compelled to place the most nefarious rogues 
in the offices of the exchequer, of the arms, 
and in the financial departments, because 
they orily were possessed of that little know- 
ledge which the middle and lower classes of 
the people absolutely wanted. Many foreign- 
ers, chiefly Germans, from the banks of the 
Rhine, soon made their fortunes by their abi- 
lities j and if the minds of the better instruct- 
ed German youth had not been dazzled by 
the splendor of a military life, they might have 
found employment by thousands, in the offices 
and bureaux of the war department and trea- 
sury. Many have, however, availed them- 
selves of the opportunity. 

It is also worthy of remark, that the enligh- 
tened members of the first assembly were al- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 305 
ways the principal objects of persecution to tiie 
subsequent national assemblies, whilst the pre- 
sent government, which is in want of able and 
well-informed men, now carefully look out for 
all those, who have escaped assassination, and 
the guillotine, to intrust them with the most 
important places in administration ; Talley- 
rand, Sieyes, Rosderer, Regnault, St. Jean 
D'Angely, Mounier, Lameth, and several 
others, are striking instances ; yet this is an ad- 
ditional proof of the want of ability in France. 

Very few Frenchmen are able to account to 
themselves why the revolution began ; and for 
what object they have undergone all the trou- 
bles and horrors of the last fifteen years. 

This unacquaintance with their own mind, 
this absolute ignorance of their real wants, this 
turbulent eagerness for change, render them 
dissatisfied. Their government must tranquil- 
lize them either by deceitful promises and trans- 
actions, o]" keep them down by arbitrary mea- 
sures of despotism. The government must de- 
e2 



306 BONAPARTE 

press a nation, which can only be led by art or 
compulsion. The people always finding them- 
selves outwitted or overpowered, must natu- 
rally hate the government. If the ruler be a 
haughty despoiler, a conceited man, whose an- 
ger is roused by any contradiction and resist- 
ance j if the nation be passionate, inconsider- 
ate, vain and dissolute, then the contempt of 
the one, and the hatred of the other, will rise 
to such, a pitch of acrimony, that all feelings 
of gratitude for past services must cease, and 
all mutual good-will be annihilated for ever. 

This is, indeed, the state of the public mind 
in France. Bonaparte despises the French na- 
tion in the same degree as it hates him. This 
abhorrence is so universal, that hardly a person 
is to be found, who will do justice to the First 
Consul, even in his military capacity ; and ex- 
press that high esteem of his talents as a warrior, 
which has been hitherto admired through all 
Europe, perhaps with too great an enthusiasm. 
Even the army does not feel that regard and at- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPtE. 307 

tachment to him of which Moreau is so highly 
possessed. He certainly gives great cause for 
it, and provokes a considerable part of the 
army by his bitterness, jealousy, and ingra- 
titude towards him, who, conscious of his own 
moral worth, and its value as a general, dis- 
dains to take revenge on the injustice which Bo- 
naparte commits against him. Instigated by 
feai* and envy, Bonaparte even developes his 
illiberal mind to the brave Moreau ; though 
the latter would never enter into any device 
calculated to ensnare himself, and be the means 
of his deportation ; the consequence of that 
greater want of prudence which some generals 
have evinced. His injustice extends to all who 
have served their native countiy under this ex- 
cellent commander. Many of the officers who 
were promoted by Moreau in the last glorious 
campaign, have not yet received their brevets 
from government. The ministers and public 
officers enter into these sentiments of the First 
Consul with the greatest zeal. It is notorious 



SOS . BONAPARTE 

that it is no recommendation with them for any 
person to apply for a benefice or promotion, 
to allege his iiaving served under him ^ on the 
contrary, it militates against him, and fre- 
qpently exposes the applicant to rude and illi- 
beral treatment : — Y/hereas the good fortune 
of having served under Bonaparte, either in 
Italy or in Egypt, is a sure passport to every 
distinction and emolument. Yet, by far the 
greatest officers and soldiers have served under 
Moreau, and consider the neglect of their ge- 
neral, under whom they have fought with so 
much glory, as a dishonour to themselves, 
w4iich they ought to resent, and the more, as 
they share in the same neglect. If Moreau 
were an ambitious and aspiring man, like Mas- 
sena for instance, he might soon become a 
very dangerous enemy to Bonaparte ; but he 
finds too great happiness in the circle of his 
family and friends, to disturb and imbitter his 
repose by hateful passions, by intrigues, or 
daring enterprises. Bonaparte who has no con- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 309 
ception of domestic happiness, does not credit 
this, but looky upon him as a dangerous rival, 
who might become a second Monk ; he has 
him beset by spies wherever he goes, though 
he assumes a careless air, as if" he took no no- 
tice of him. Tiiis behaviour manifests little 
command of his passions, and no conscious- 
ness of his own worth : he shews that he is un* 
able to value military talents ; he lowers him- 
self, and injures his own consequence, by thus 
degrading Moreau. Many of the genei'als of 
the Chief Consul's party, and favored by him 
particularly, are too proud of their own glory 
and military fame, to shew any contempt of 
this celebrated soldier. Not a word of disres- 
pect is ever uttered by them ; they, on the con- 
trary, often speak of him most highly. Of Bo- 
naparte nothing is heard beyond the circle of 
his favorites ; they are utterly silent respecting 
him when they enter mixed society. His arro- 
gance, his arbitrary disposal of favors, frequent- 
ly wound even his satellites ^ and the groans of 



810 BONAPARTE 

the oppressed will burst forth, after having 

been for a long time forcibly suppressed. 

Every one is strictly cautious how he utters 
his sentiments. Bonaparte, who, when once 
irritated, sets no bounds to his vengeance, has 
silenced reproach and criticisms ; and his rigor 
is therefore less resented by the French in 
their present oppressed state. 

That a people, who were formerly and design- 
edly permitted to speak and to abuse, if they 
only paid, and were obedient — ^who were chat- 
terers and reasonersby nature — who made wit- 
ticisms, vaudevilles, and epigrams, on every oc- 
casion 3 that they should now bridle sprightli- 
ness and wit so far, as not to allow themselves, 
during three years, to write an epigram nor 
ballad on the consular government and Bo- 
naparte, though several may be circulated in 
private, is certainly worthy of remark. It 
proves that he, who severely punished every 
pasquinade on the spot, has chosen the proper 
method to restrain this inclination. It proves 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. Sll 

that the spirit of the nation, whicli would give 
vent in former times to their vivacity and hu- 
mor, in spite of the bastile and the " lettres 
de cachets," is entirely broken down by fear. 
By selfishness, and love of pleasure, they have 
lost all courage, firmness, and resolution. This 
want of energy has displayed itself throughout 
the whole revolution : For instance, has there 
ever been a single man, among all those, who 
drew a thousand plans, who made a thousand 
attempts to sav e and to disengage the royal 
family, on whose welfare and life the whole ex- 
istence of the nobility and of the whole army 
seemed to depend — Has there ever been one, 
who has had courage and resolution to hazard 
his life in the defence of the unhappy family ? 
From Lafayette and Bouilie, down to the lieu- 
tenant who commanded the dragoons at the inn 
near the frontiers, where the royal sufferers 
were detained ; nay, even down to Santerre, 
who forced himself upon them as a protector, 
tliey all shrunk at the decisive moment, instead 



S12 BONAPARTE 

of displaying that manly firmness, and ventur- 
ing their Me, to strike the minds of the people 
with some heroic deed, and animating them 
with zeal for their monarch by their glorious ex- 
ample. By far the greatest part of the national 
assembly was against the death of their Sove- 
reion. Some threatening; manoeuvres of the 
daring party in the palace, and the populace, 
which had surrounded it on the outside, shortly 
before the nominal appeal, effected a majority 
of five votes for the death of the monarch. A 
million of inhabitants, who pitied their king, 
who shed tears at his fate, who were armed for 
defence and attack, basely and cowardly suf- 
fered themselves to be confined within their 
houses by a handful of hired savages ; they 
tamely suiiered their beloved king to be exe- 
cuted, witiiout any attempt to preserve him. 
_ Such proofs of pusillanimity stamp them with 
ignominy 5 yet it is most surprizing, that the 
very same nation, thus far degraded and cor- 
rupted, still exhibits tiie old inborn militarv ar- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. SIS 
dor, and national love of glory of former , 
times. Many thousands who quietly suffered 
themselves to be guillotined, for fear of losing 
an arm or a leg, would have marched undaunt- 
edly against an enemy, who had irritated them 
— they would, if their leader could have made 
it a point of honor, have climbed up batteries 
without hesitation — they would have borne the 
greatest hardships with incredible patience. 

This trait in their character, shews what 
energy this nation possesses, what they might 
be brought to effect, if they had built upon the 
foundation, v/hich Charles the Great laid for 
their happiness. He gave them a constitutioa 
most suited to their habits. If in public in- 
struction they had made it their great object to 
endear it to the citizens ; and to shew its value, 
the latter would have made anv sacrifice for the 
public good, and cheerfully fulfilled their so- 
cial duties. If they had followed the exam- 
ple, which this great monarch set to his people, 
in the simplicity of his manners, and in the 
f2 



314 BONAPARTE 

practice of social virtues, they would not have 
mistaken the way to domestic happiness, nor 
would they have lost all rehsh for it. Secure 
in their native land, peaceful and happy in the 
bosom of their families, they might have select- 
ed, for their rational amusement, aPetrarch^ 
a Tasso, a Raphael, a Buonaretti, but would 
never have sent into Italy for a Medicis, a 
Mazarin, or a Bonaparte. 
^ There are, however, some men of highly 
cultivated minds, and of profound erudition in 
France, who have saved their lives, and their 
learning, from the wrecks of the revolution. 
The present government has been compelled 
to avail itself of their ability. May they ne- 
ver forget, that they owe their present good 
fortune, not to Bonaparte, but to the diffusion 
of knowledge — may they never cease to be its 
advocates and supporters. 

The indifference with which the people in 
general look upon every measure of the First 
Consul to keep them in ignorance, is astonish- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 315 
ing. They are extremely indifferent about 
state affairs, and a foreigner must make parti- 
cular and earnest inquiries, if he would obtain 
any information. The opulent part of the na- 
tion seek, with insatiable eagerness, after sen- 
sual gratifications, and pleasures of all kinds. 
The luxury of the table is brought to the high- 
iest pitch, and every thing which concerns the 
important articles of eating and drinking treat- 
ed as the most momentous affair. The great- 
est variety and plenty, the highest refinement 
prevail at the tables of the wealthy. The same 
attention is paid to wines. The richest families, 
the greatest princes, were formerly satisfied 
with those of the country ; foreign wines were 
seldom, and but sparingly produced. But now 
it is quite the reverse , and whoever wishes to 
be in the fashion, must provide the greatest 
variety from Portugal, Spain, Hungary, and 
Germany. The greatest sobriety was formerly 
observed, perhaps more so than in any other 
country. Wine was usually mixed with water. 



816 BONAPARTE 

The present generation are not so abstemious ; 
they will indulge themselves, and sometimes 
drink to an unreasonable excess. The plea- 
sures of the table now take up the greatest 
part of the day, and even of the night. The 
play-houses, and other places of rational a-^ 
musement, suffer by such long repasts ; a fash* 
ion that begins to prevail. Very few prepara- 
tions were necessary in former times for din- 
ner parties : People met at an early hour, spent 
some time in chatting, laughing, and good hu- 
mour, over a cheerful glass, and afterwards 
went to the play, or other similar places : But 
now, the' greatest number of people, which a 
saloon can possibly hold, are asoembled toge- 
ther, for no other purpose, than to be most 
completely fed and filled for the day ; and the 
variety of things set out to please and satisfy 
the coarser senses, are the sole subjects on 
which the conversation turns. 

This immense luxury and prodigality of opu- 
lent individuals is the more disgusting, as the 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 517 
greatest part of them are men without good 
breeding, or engaging manners, devoid of taste, 
and of that ease, hj which these luxmious 
feasts can only be rendered any ways accepta- 
ble. The greatest misery, and the most wretch- 
ed beggary, astonish and aitiict the stranger : 
And he who is neither rich nor poor, runs in 
most eager pursuit after gain, and does not al- 
low himself time for a decent or moderate en- 
joyment, in order the sooner to join the socie- 
ty of tliese sons cf prodigality. It is not com" 
fort they seek ; the greatest luxury and afflu- 
ence is their chief aim. That happy class of 
men, who, in humble content, live on a mode- 
rate income, and pass their life i?. ezzQ, without 
craving the superfluities of others, and their 
empty show, is seldom to be found here. They 
generally seem anxious and eager to spend the 
day in the highest luxury, as if the following 
would not leave them a single moment for 
enjoyment 5 they are driven in a continual 
round of voluptuous delights : and if they be 
not soon ruined m a worldly point of view, they 



918 BONAPARTE 

certainly are so in a moral. Yet their finances 
are often exhausted first ; and the number of 
great houses which have failed the two last 
years, greatly exceed those who have sprung 
iip in the mean time. The ambition, to be 
looked upon as " un homme comme il fauty* 
makes them guilty of all sorts of extravagan- 
cies ; and as they can only acquire this title 
by enormous expenses, these have no bounds. 
Thoughtless spendthrifts, merchants whose in- 
comes are uncertain, contractors who cannot 
successfully go on without a great capital, al- 
ways ready to meet a demand ; these, by ex- 
pending their ready money in luxuries, and in 
venturesome speculations, involve themselves, 
in hopes of future gain ; difficulties and bank- 
ruptcies ensue. This profusion has enhanced 
the price of all the necessaries of hfe : They set 
a bad example to their inferiors, who will no 
longer lead their former sober life, when they 
see their masters continually outrunning the 
bounds of decency and moderation. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 819 

This indescribable prodigality of the men is 
still exceeded by the exorbitant luxury of the 
women. The daily change in the fashions of 
their most costly dresses, and in the furniture 
of their rooms, is beyond conception. The 
most expensive Indian and English muslins, 
in the greatest variety, and the most precious 
stuffs of France, are their daily wear. The 
continual alterations in the setting of diamonds, 
which they use in great profusion, render these 
very unnecessary ornaments still more expen- 
sive. All sorts of precious stones, cameos, and 
intaglios, are become indispensible additions 
to a lady's attire. Their expenses in furniture 
have so much increased, that the state-bed 
alone of a lady of fashion, now costs as much 
as the whole furniture of au elegant apartment 
would, in former times. 

The taste and character of these prodigals 
do not appear to great advantage, if we consi^ 
der the object for which they spend their money. 
They never thought of availing themselves of 



320 BONAPARTE 

the favorable opportunit}^ of purchasing mas- 
ter-pieces of art from Italy, and valuable pic- 
*t1ares from the Low Countries. There is no 
demand for the best works of their own ar- 
tists. Portraits of insignificant individuals, 
and busts, are the only things which are sought 
after. This certainly proves that the wealth 
is by no means in proper hands at present. 

Bonaparte sets the example in this depraved 
taste. He only employs the artists for his own 
portrait. David, the painter, had often been 
ordered to copy that strange picture, a fine 
carriccio, which represents Bonaparte going 
full gallop over Mount Sl Gothard, on a 
spotted horse ; whilst his masterly picture of 
the Horatii, his Junius Brutus, and the Rape 
of the Sabines, remain unsold. The best pic- 
ture of Gerrard, his Belisarius, is sold to a 
Dutchman ; and this great artist paints scarce- 
ly any thing but portraits. It is the same 
with several others. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 321 
Bonaparte, and many of his family, together 
with other very opulent citizens of Paris, are 
infatuated with the rage of building ; yet, noth- 
ing has been brought forth, which may be 
looked upon as a monument of architecture. 
They have laid out immense sums for the fit- 
ting up of the inside of their palaces, and a 
thousand superfluous additions and alterations, 
which their fancy and caprice suggested. 

This false taste has extended itself even to 
the stage, glittering and motley colors consti- 
tute the character of almost all the scenes 
painted of late. True grandeur, founded on 
the simplicity and coherence of all parts to one 
great point, is seldom observed. The better 
taste is still preserved on the great stages, in 
the costume of ancient dresses, which are be- 
yond the reach of fashionable vicissitude. 
Yet their love of glitter and shew manifests 
itself even here, by the profusion of gold lace 
on the clothes of the French heroes and he- 
roines of the buskin. A vulgar taste has ob- 
9 2t 



322 BONAPARTE 

tained on the little theatres, and nature is re- 
presented in its disgusting nakedness. The 
characters of thief-catchers, goalers, and ex- 
iles, are copied and represented in a most 
disagreeable and loathsome manner, as to 
dress and gestures. 

The dancers, both men and women, observe 
no costume ; they have laid aside all kind of 
dress, and the whole of it is nothing but a 
slight imitation of the paradisiacal fig-leaf. 
As many of the female dancers are fine and 
stately figures, the eye would not be so much 
disgusted with this state of nature, if their art 
still bore in pantomimes the character of gran- 
deur and boldness ; but it is degenerated into 
mere jumping, and their feats are nothing but 
variations on the old method of tumbling and 
leaping. The females have certainly some 
grace, but not of that chaste, noble and digni- 
fied kind, which touches the heart, and not 
the senses : it is light, nimble, lascivious, and 
calculated only to rouse desires. If. it were 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 323 

not for some attitudes of Mesdames Clotilde 
and Saunier, one might say of the grand ballets 
of the Parisian opera, that Terpsichore is be- 
come the prettiest and most enchanting petite 
maitressc, that ever granted her favors, and 
offered her charms to the jovial and giddy ter- 
restrial gods. The multitude run eagerly after 
the favorite actresses, and are highly pleased 
with their exertions. Government ever atten- 
tive to give employment to the sense, and to 
encourage the people in their mirth, allow them 
an annual income of half a million of livres. 

The high tragedy, to which the First Consul 
seems very partial, is neither awhole,nor apart, 
neither cold nor warm. They have deserted the 
former tragic manner, which was peculiar to 
the French, and which did not suffer any mix- 
ture of foreign art with nature. French tra- 
gedy stands therefore below that of England 
and Germany, though they possess a great ac- 
quisition in Talma, and promising abilities are 
discernible in several young actresses. 



524 BONAPARTE 

They are not better off in their high comic 
art. The intermixture of the Italian taste has 
done the same harm in this respect, as the 
EngHsh has produced in tragedies. The na- 
tional, and truly original French comedian 
of former times is almost entirely degenerated 
into an Italian buffoon, yet they are still un- 
rivalled in what is called polite comedy avd 
naivete i many excellent performers of this 
kind are still to be met with, on the greater 
stages. The little theatres have made it their 
chief study, since the revolution, to excel in 
low comic and grotesque acting. Nature cari- 
catured is often exhibited there in great per- 
fection, and with that ease which is peculiar to 
the French only. These little theatres are 
chiefly visited by the merry and profligate 
part of the community, and therefore always 
crowded, in whatever part of the town they 
may be situated. The multitude of the higher 
and lower classes are never tired with them. 
Some of the most wealthy families in Paris have 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 325 
private boxes at the greater theatres, for - 
M'hich they annually pay considerable sums -, 
yet, by far the greatest part, is so much taken 
up by eating and drinking, that they have no 
time to go to the play ; or if they do, it is 
mostly in pursuit of little love intrigues. 

All Frenchmen, possessed of any property, 
are most extravagant in one particular thing, 
namely, in gambling. Tlie inconsiderate, pas- 
sionate, and interested character of the French, 
powerfully draws them into this vice. Their 
government turns it to some profit ; it favors, 
in the highest degree, all sorts of games of 
chance. A great general society, or company 
cf gamblers, pay the sum of six millions of 
livres to government, for the sole exclusive 
privilege of opening as many gambling houses 
at Paris as they think proper. They have 
opened in the first year of their existence, or 
union, ten grand tables in the most frequented 
hotels, and spare neither art nor temptation, to 
attract the lovers of gain, who night and day 



536 BONAPARTE 

assemble in crowds at these places, men and 
women promiscuously. 

The French government have also thought 
fit to establish lotteries all over France, which, 
in former times only existed at Paris. The 
drawing of the lotteries, which are now estab- 
lished in all the chief towns, occur so fre- 
quently, that the adventui-er may speculate in 
them every day of the year. The annual 
sum of thirty millions of livres falls into the 
coffers of government by this financial ma- 
noeuvre. 

The family of Bonaparte know also how to 
benefit themselves, and their partisans, by the 
granting of such licenses. The above society 
has been compelled to grant, besides their sti- 
pulated licence money, annual pensions to 
some of them, and their favorites. The name 
of Madame Bonaparte is reported to stand 
first on this pension list, with fifty Louis 
d'or for daily card money, affixed to it. The 
names of courtiers, performers at the play- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 32/ 

Ijoiises, and female dancers, swell ihese lists, 
with inferior sums. The last on this list is a 
singer, who has fifty Louis d'or annually as- 
signed to him. The whole of the pensions is 
reported to amount to one million of livres. 

The French government thus avail them- 
selves of all the vices and extravagancies of 
the people, to increase their revenues ; or, 
as they chuse to call it, to " improve the 
finances." Whether they have chosen the 
right method to place the finances on a solid 
foundation, it will easily be seen, from some 
particulars, in their administration of the re- 
venues. 

There is no system in the whole of it. No- 
thing but separate and temporary operations, 
to ask from the people the most money thejr 
can spare, to collect it with the greatest se- 
verity, and afterwards to conceal from them 
by tricks and art, the amount of the whole of 
what they are to pay. 



328 BONAPARTE 

None of those who are to pay taxes to the 
municipahty of their district, can learn the sum 
already received by government, and w^hether 
the amount required from any particular dis- 
trict have not been already collected. 

The persons authorised to assess the inhabi- 
tants, who are also collectors, have nothing to 
do with appeals against the assessment. Com- 
missioners are appointed to hear them, but the 
complainant must first have obtained a receipt 
for the payment of the first three months of his 
Tate 5 and even then meets with no redress, if 
the Court do not chuse to take his case into 
consideration. Should his rate be lessened, his 
fellow-citizens must pay for the deficit, and 
every householder is liable to be charged a 
higher rate during the year, which must be 
paid without any hesitation, or the least resist- 
ance. Every one therefore must wish that his. 
neighbour should readily subscribe his quota, 
ivhatever it may be j as the assessor, who is also 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 329 

collector, receives the thirtieth part of the 
amount, it is his interest to exceed the mark, 
and the government is never much inclined to 
return what it has received over and above the 
sums required from the people s they therefore 
wink at these extortions. 

The philosopher M. Mercier once attempt- 
ed to prove, that as man's happiness consists 
in hope, lotteries must render a nation truly 
happy ; no doubt he will also be able to prove, 
that government, by asking but a little, and 
taking a great deal, will certainly render them 
most completely happy. 

The returned emigrants have indeed great 
doubts about the present financial system in 
France, but it is now brought to the highest 
perfection. The citizens, counsellors of state, 
. are not only acquainted before-hand, what the 
people are willing and able to pay, and that 
every thing, like the miraculous loaves and 
fishes in the gospel, will multiply in the gather- 
ing ; they also perfectly well understand how 
h2 



330 BONAPARTE 

to pay the creditors of the state free of any ex- 
pense, and contract debts, without any need 
of white balls from their most humbly devoted 
legislators. 

This is the most easy thing for the Direc- 
teiir general du grand livrs et de la liquidation 
de la dettc puhlique. Any body who enjoys 
the protection of the court, and has a demand 
on the French government, is paid either by an 
order on foreign or inland debtors, by the 
assignment of national property, or by enter- 
ing his name in the great book of pensioners, 
which no legislative body can ever peep into, as 
it is always carefully locked up. The court fa- 
vorite, who is indebted to government, here 
finds the fairest opportunity to enrich himself, 
by this mode of payment ; he purchases for 
a trifle, where he can, all the demands on go- 
vernment, from such as despair of being paid ; 
he sets them off against the demands of the 
state, and becomes a rich man. This transac- 
tion is not carried on secretly ^ no ! the brokers 



.-:^x 



\ 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 331 

go round the Exchange, and inquire who has 
any demands en government to sell. The old 
state creditors, whose debts were formerly an- 
nulled, are reimbursed in this way, if they are 
fortunate enough to obtain protection ^ but woe 
to him who has no interest at court. It will 
be impossible for him to satisfy the endless de- 
mands of securities, accounts, and bonds, to 
establish his claim in the scrutinising eye of the 
judges ; and if, after several years' application, 
he should succeed, he has not yet safely steered 
his vessel into port. A question on the vali- 
dity of some bond, testimony, or witness, may 
be started ; payment is suspended for the pre- 
sent 3 and the poor creditor is threatened by 
the state inquisition, or by the special tribu' 
nals, with being indicted for forgery. 

It may be asked — If this be the nefarious 
conduct of government, where will the man be 
found willing to contract for the victualling, or 
clothing of the army, or supplying them with 
stores } They are actuated by the same base 



332 BONAPARTE 

principles as promoters of lotteries, and high- 
way robbers. A thirst of gain, and a confi- 
dence of being able to out-wit, even the 
shrewdest amongst the cunning, prevail over 
the many melancholy examples of those who 
have been ruined, or have forfeited their lives 
by such iniquitous enterprises. 

It is a mournful proof of the wretched state 
of a nation, when the public offices are looked 
upon as the chief branch of national industry ; 
yet this is really the case. Considerable as the 
salaries, attached to any office or place, may be,, 
the holder of it regards every perquisite, he is 
legally entitled to, as the smallest part of his in^ 
come. — Mais les Affaires — ^for so they call all 
matters of protection, which bring good round 
sums to fill the pockets of every one, from the 
highest (k)wn to the lowest, who has any influ- 
ence with the chief of the department, either by 
the means of his valet, or his chere amie — these 
extra fees make a small amends for their trifling 
salaries ; this is the universal cry. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 33S 
A remarkable occurence of thiskinddeseiTes 
notice. A demand On government for several 
millions, due to some gentlemen near the 
Rhine, for pro\'isions and stores delivered to the 
army, had been made, and applied for through 
all the customary legal channels without suc- 
cess. The case was at last brought before Lu- 
cien Bonaparte. His opinion was asked, whe- 
ther the payment might be obtained without, 
further delay, as in that case the creditors were 
willing to submit to some deductions. Lucieny 
after a full investigation of the subject, pro- 
nounced the demand to be a just one, and said 
to the supplicant, " Je TrCen charge, a cinquante 
pour centy dans trois mois vous toucherez.'"* 
The debt was discharged, and Lucien, who 
had settled this payment with, the First Consul 
and his ministers, was a few millions the richer. 
The appointments of a senator, and a legisla- 
tor are certainly not to be compared with such 
pretty bargains. 

» You shall be paid in three months, Fifty per cent, 
(meaning Discount). 



334 BONAPARTE 

Embezzlements and frauds must be continu- 
ally committed by the contractors, to repay 
themselves for the immense sums, which they 
must lay out, previously to their obtaining the 
contracts from government, to make good the 
deductions, they must always submit to, in or- 
der to get their money : nevertheless, they gain 
by these contracts, the immense sum of 20, nay 
30 millions of livres : this was the case with 
Collot the contractor for the army of Italy, and 
the navy, (who is supposed to be worth as much) 
when the present war broke out, this Collot 
almost forced government, to let him have the 
contract for the navy stores, by pretending an 
embarrassment of his affairs shortly before, and 
threatening a bankruptcy, if not supported and 
kept up by them. The government is very at- 
tentive to those who have amassed immense 
wealth in a short time during the war ; perhaps 
they granted the contract, to drain him a little. 
It is also reported, that Joseph Bonaparte has 
<lrawn a small sum from this Collot, when the 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 335 

former was concluding the peace at Luneville. 
The day previously to its being signed, when 
Joseph was sure of its taking place, he dispatch- 
ed a courier, acquainting him privately with 
the ratification of the peace, and ordering him 
at the same time, to purchase 1,800,000 livres 
in the stocks on his account. Immediately af- 
ter the final conclusion he sent him another 
note with this information, and reminded him 
of the purchase — Collot had already executed 
the order, and Joseph returned to Paris. 

The state bonds for these 1 ,800,000 livres 
were sent by Collot to the noble pacificator, 
accompanied with a very polite letter, inclos- 
ing his two former notes, and assuring him 
that he could by no means think of keeping 
the notes, of the grand pacificator of the 
greatest nation in the world, amongst his mer- 
cantile papers. He therefore begged master 
Joseph to send an order for the amount j to this 
there was no answer. Eight days after, Collot 
hin^self waits upon him. — He was invisible.— 



336 BONAPARTE 

He now sees plainly how it was meant. The 
pacificator would also have his share in the 
profit, which CoUot could make by this timely 
notice. He was silent, and of the 1,800,000 
livres nothing afterwards was said. Such little 
sacrifices must be made up by contracts with 
government, and CoUot must occasionally be 
indulged with them. 

Haller, who was the uncontrolled agent of 
the finances in Italy, is reported to be still 
richer than Collot. He is the man for the 
Chief Consul. 

HengerloOjCerf Bahr. Gobert, and Co, (who 
began with selling cattle for the army) Vurras, 
Larus, and Bezar, are all possessed of several 
millions ; but they live in such an expensive^ ^ 
style, and with such boundless prodigality, that, 
they are ever eager after immoderate gain. 

Hengerloo indeed made an arrangement with 
his creditors,but many believed that itwasonly 
a trick to escape the contracts for the army, 
-which were afterwards forced upon Collot. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. S37 

Among the generals who commanded in the 
last war, and who generally agreed with the 
-contractors and commissaires GrdonnatcurSy 
and thus had an opportunity to enrich them- 
selves, by cheating government, and ruining 
foreign countries, by levying contributions, 
Leclerc, Massena, and Murat, are reported 
to have acquired immense riches : Moreau 
has not taken such good care of himself. 

Talleyrand is richer than any other of 
the ministers. Nothing can be obtained but 
through their influence. An instance of this 
occurred in the 10th year of the Republic. The 
great water-works of Marly, on which many 
millions had been expended, hyd been so far 
injured, that all repairs seemed useless. Bona- 
parte having always been desirous of inhabiting 
the former royal residence at Versailles, the ne- 
cessity of this machine became the more pres- 
sing, as this place can procure no supply of 
water without it. Government offered to 
eontract for it, and a society of wealthy per- 
12 



338 BONAPARTE 

sons, with M. Montgolfier, the celebrated me- 
chanist, at their head, offered to build a new 
one, which should convey more water than the 
former. They demanded no advances in mo- 
ney, but offered to submit the work to connois- 
seurs i and, if they approved it, they would re- 
quire nothing more than the materials of the 
old machine. This very simple proposal they 
conceived would ensure the job, consequently 
they had not thought it necessary to purchase 
protectors, but they were refused. The repair- 
ing'^ibe old machine was resolved on, and the 
contract given to some friends. 

The public prints frequently pass high enco- 
miums on the great care of the French govern- 
mentin restoring the manufactures to the flour- 
ishing state of former times, and to incite na- 
tional industry, but these eulogiums are not 
merited. The abolition of all private, in favor 
of one single state-bank, which monopolizes 
the v/hoie, clogs industry by confining the 
money to one spot. The further to promote 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 339 
this object, new laws have been framed to pre- 
vent the importation of foreign, and chiefly 
English merchandise ; and it is enacted, that 
the French manufacturies established near the 
frontiers, shall be removed into the interior 
whenever suspected bf introducing contraband 
goods as their own. The wise financiers forgot, 
that all those that are well established, are 
calculated upon local circumstances, with'out 
which they must come to ruin. 

The new regulation with respect to the sale of 
wood, for building, &c. on national property, 
must also prove destructrve to many manu- 
facturers. Formerly it was the custom for the 
owners, when they had occasion for wood from 
the royal domains, to join with others, and con- 
tract for a certain quantity, which was to be cut 
down, as it was wanted, in five, six, or seven 
years, and paid for on delivery. Thus they were 
sure to be provided without the necessity of 
making any advances. The present govern- 
ment, however, only think of getting the mo- 



540 BONAPARTE 

ney, without considering how far it may em- 
barrass or distress individuals. All wood from 
the national domains is now sold to the hioh- 
est bidder, must be paid for instantly, and car- 
ried off without delay. By this regulation it 
is only in the power of the wealthy manufac- 
turer to purchase. He speculates besides, in 
conjunction with other monied men, on what 
the less opulent may want : He makes large 
contracts in advance, and sells at his own 
price. Industrious men, and young beginners, 
are thus dependent on avaricious and unfeel- 
ing jobbers, who generally succeed in effect- 
ing their ruin. 

The interest of money is also too high to ad- 
mit of small loans. The great capitalist can, 
at any time, make 12 and 15 per cent, without 
much trouble ; and can also gain considerably 
by contracting with government, by the course 
of exchange, or by gambling in the funds. He 
can likewise employ it to great profit in the pur- 
chase of national property and estates : In fact. 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 341 

there are many advantageousmeaiis open, with- 
out endangering his capital, in new manufac- 
tures, or other uncertain establishments. Both 
the cultivation of the country, and the country- 
men have been benefited by the revolution. The 
freedom of inheritance of copyhold, without 
paying a fee to the lord of the manor, the abo- 
lition of all feudal services, the liberty of sell- 
ing their property and land, and the partition 
of large farms and estates into smaller ones j all 
these alterations, W'hich the peasants owe to 
the revolution, have been very beneficial. The 
farmer is grown richer ; his encreased capital 
has been employed in the improvement of his 
land, and in the purchase of cattle ; the coun- 
try is not only better cultivated, but more land 
is under tillage than before. With respect to 
all other branches of industry, very little can 
be said of their flourishing state. The only 
thing which may benefit commerce, is, the re- 
moval of that prejudice which formerly forbade 
noblemen to engage in commercial specula- 



S4^ BONAPARTE 

tions. Madame de Turene has articled her son 
to a great mercantile house, and several of the 
nobility have followed her example. Some no- 
blemen have laid out their money in manufac- 
tures, which yield but little profit ^ for the 
French have by no means that exactness and 
regularity, nor that experience and solid know- 
ledge of business, so absolutely necessary for 
the management of these concerns. They are 
all enterprising, but very deficient in just cal- 
culations. They generally enter into a part- 
nership with other wealthy men. Their na- 
tional vanity, and love of show, lead them to 
begin with fine large- buildings ; whilst the 
prudent Englishman, uncertain of success, 
usually commences with a small wooden 
house. The spirit of gambling, which per- 
vades the French, also induces them to spe- 
culate deeply, to encrease the chance of con- 
siderable profit. The luxury and extravagance 
of these proprietors while they dwindle their 
capital, infect their clerks and servants, and 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 343 
prove baneful to their morals. The first who 
establish a manufacture, generally lessen 
their property by building and show : The 
second, who take it up, by want of caution 
and too great enterprise : The third, by want 
of regularity and exactness : The fourth, how- 
ever, generally begin to gain a little. Yet they 
have still to combat the English as rivals, who 
are possessed of all the means which continual 
industry, the perseverance of a whole century, 
and a public spirit, which supports every thing- 
great, can invent. They have also to struggle 
with the excise officers, whose depravity of 
character is commensurate with that of the 
nation : Very few of these men have accepted 
their places for the sake of the salary attached 
to them, but solely on account of the oppor- 
tunity it aifords them of acquiring a fortune^ 
by trading in contraband goods, which have 
a great sale in France. 

There is hardly a person in France, who does 
not wear some- produce of English manufac- 



144 BONAPARTE 

ture; from the wife of the Chief Consul down 
to the daughter of a common shoopkeeper, 
nothing but English muslins are worn. Ma- 
dame Bonaparte countenances this fashion, 
and sometimes grants to her favorites the pri- 
vilege of importing small quantities of prohi- 
bited goods for themselves. The wretched 
state of the French manufactures may be easily 
conceived ; if it be remembered, that they al- 
most all live near the frontiers, and import 
foreign articles, which t;hey pass as their own 
by putting their mark upon them. 

One of the additional hindrances of industry 
is the unequal administration of justice. — Man- 
dats de depot, or warrants of arrest, are granted 
on the least pretence ; the man, whose seizure 
the warrant authorises, is taken up, and j'<fczzr€'^, 
as they call it, to distinguish it from imprison- 
ment. He is, nevertheless, confined in a worse 
and more wretched place, than the public pri- 
sons for criminals. Whilst he remains there, 
witnesses are called before the tribunals, and 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. S45 

the judges examine them privately ; they allow 
no counsel to the accused, they sometimes 
threaten to treat them as accomplices, if they 
will not confess, or say, what the judges wish 
^they should — The great art of these worthy 
judges in the special tribunal is to find out 
contradictions in the depositions, and they are 
very expert in drawing out, what they call, 
these JaiLV rationals. 

The more ignorant and fearful the witnesses 
are, the better they succeed. After having ex- 
amined them sufficiently, an order to commit 
them, a mandat d'arrit is issued, and is gene- 
rally considered by the prisoner as a verdict of 
guilty. 

The law, which enacted, that prisoners should 
not be kept confined longer than 48 hours, with- 
out being heard, was thus eluded by the judges, 
who do not consider the securing* of a man, in 
virtue of a mandat de depot as imprisonment 
or arrest, though he may have been in the de- 
pot for several months. Now this subterfuge is 
k2 



346 BONAPARTE 

no longer wanted to infringe the law. Tlie 
First Consul has arrogated to himself the sole 
right of deciding as he pleases in all these cases, 
as it has been observed. 

The prisoner after having received amandate 
of arrestation, is examined by the judges and 
has a counsellor assigned him ; but the judge 
may command him to keep silence, whenever 
he chuses, on the pretext, that by his defence 
he enters too much into political questions, 
or interH d'etat. If this counsellor attempt 
to go on, he is laid under an interdict for two 
or even six months, by the judge, during which 
time he is not allowed to appear as counsel in 
any court of justice. 

There is also a kind of torture introduced for 
obstinate prisoners, who will not confess ac- 
cording to the desire of the judge. It is an in- 
vention worthy of a Nero. The present prefect 
of the police, Dubois, who executes the will and 
orders of Bonaparte with more readiness than 
Fouche did, has established a new kind of 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 347 
goal, so low and small, that the prisoner can 
neither stand, sit, nor lie down. He is thrown 
into these holes, and asked every quarter of an 
hour, whether he will confess. 

A passionate Frenchman, naturally furious 
and lightheaded, will certainly confess anything 
to inculpate another man, on whom the govern- 
ment wishes to lay hold. It is no wonder then 
that this true Neronian invention finds advo- 
cates among the base hirelings of government j 
but that a tribune, a lawyer, and a pliilosophi- 
cal writer, should defend it as a necessary re- 
medy to bring the guilty to a confession, as it 
lately appeared, is indeed astonishing. 

Liberal as the special tribunals may be with 
these arrests they iind it sometimes expedient, 
to be equally liberal with the discharge of pri- 
soners, in the course of the process against 
them, if the prisoner should happen to obtain 
the protection of men in power. 

A manufacturer of earthen ware, aM. Four- 
my, living in the Rue de la Pepiniere, at Paris, 



348 BONAPARTE 

was imprisoned and discharged in this manner: 
He had bought the house which he inhabited j 
but one of the judges in the special tribunals 
at Paris, who had lent a sum of money to the 
vender on the security of the house, wished 
to purchase it also. The notary who had 
made the contract, had named several persons 
who might have a claim upon it, and whose 
Consent was therefore required, or who must 
first be satisfied, but he had not mentioned 
them all. The incensed judge looked upon 
this as a " falsum," or cheat, and ordered 
the vender to be taken up. Some months af- 
ter, when the witnesses had been properly ex- 
amined, the judge flew in a passion, because 
the purchaser had not been imprisoned, and 
had him seized likewise. Fortunately for the 
two prisoners, M. Fourmy knew the minister 
Chaptal, and Fourcroy the counsellors of 
state, who esteemed him on account of his 
knowledge in chemistry. M. Fourmy ap- 
plied to them, and both vender and pur- 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. $4^ 

chaser were set at liberty without farther- 
trouble. 

A young merchant, a native of Germany, 
whose name is omitted on account of his fa- 
mily, connected himself with one of the thou-^ 
sand swindling and gambling families, in whicH 
Paris so much abounds : they persuaded him to 
embark with them into a great enterprise, and 
he borrowed money from his friends and rela- 
tives so to do. As soon as these swindlers had 
obtained all he was worth, and all that he 
could raise from others, they tempted him to 
commit a little irregularity, and accused him 
as guilty of an intent to defraud them. These 
gentlemen, with the judge, instantly laid hold 
of all the property which the young man had 
still left in the house, which was jointly inha- 
bited by him and the swindlers ; he was sent 
into prison. After having been a whole year 
in a most dreadful place, and having suffered 
beyond description, from the utter want of 
cloaths, he was condemned to imprisonment 



«^0 BONAPARTE 

for life, upon the only ground, as the sentence 
especially mentioned, that he, being a beggar, 
was still suspected of a fraud on their family, 
who lived in affluence. After having passed 
another year, amidst the most horrid wretches, 
and in a prison of criminals, it luckily happen- 
ed, that the infamous family who had ruined 
him, fell into the snares of more cninning 
rogues ; they were all transported to the 
islands, as robbers, thieves, and swindlers. 
An old compassionate man, among the judges 
of this unfortunate youth, who remembered 
how often and how solemnly he had always 
declared his innocence, now recollected him, 
and ordered his release without further pro- 
ceedings. The young man, since his libera- 
tion, has used all possible means to have a new 
trial and reparation, but in vain, as he had 
nothing but words and innocence in his favor. 
It was not so easy to provide money again, 
as the swindlers had absolutely ruined his cha- 
racter , and he was told, that he must make 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 351 
a deposit of a certain sum, before they could 
enter into a new trial. 

These monstrous proceedings are even ex- 
tended to foreigners, over whom the tribunals 
have no jurisdiction. The secretary of the 
Cisalpine minister, a Signer Accerbi, was ar- 
rested last year, and shut up in the depot of 
the police, on account of his having spoken 
too freely of the King of Sweden, in one of 
his publications. 

Nothing is more surprising than the care- 
lessness of the French about all these horrors 5 
it is, as if they had lost all feeling of justice 
and equity. If this really be the case, it is no 
wonder, that they bend so willingly under the 
galling yoke of their present tyrant. 

The history of the French people during 
their melancholy revolution, may be compared 
-to that of an uninformed inconsiderate young 
man, who is defeated in spite of his courage, 
boldness and natural strength, and remains 
entangled in the snares of the insiduous. T4ie 



352 BONAPARTE 

wilder and the more furious his struggles to 
extricate himself", the more tame and exhaust- 
ed will he lie down afterwards, and resign him- 
jself to his fate. 

In this forlorn and wretched state he will feel 
some relief, if even one of the accomplices will 
look with compassionupon him — will hasten to 
the spot to protect him against the more. furi- 
ous attacks of his desperate companions, who 
would deprive him even of his existence. 

If this new protector is cunning enough to 
avail himself of his moral weakness, and treat 
him with some indulgence, this poor entrapped 
young man will even feel gratitude, and will 
be most strongly secured. The fear of falling 
a victim to his implacable enemies, his expe- 
rience of former times, which has- taught him 
that all resistance would be fruitless against the 
cool calculation of these robbers, will enhance ' 
the tranquillity and ease which he comparative- 
ly enjoys. Unwilling to hazard any future ef- 
forts 3 no longer fostering the pleasing hope of 



* 



AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 353 
release, he will sink down in a perfect consci- 
ousness of his exhausted state, anxious to 
cherish the little comfort within his reach. 

It cannot be denied, that the French peo- 
ple owe their political existence to Bonaparte 
alone. Without his resolute character and 
energy, every thing would have gone to ruin. 
He animated with new life those who had lost 
all hopes, and inspired the fugitive with cou- 
rage. The French republic was so near its 
entire dissolution, under the last Directory, 
that Bonaparte would have returned from E- 
gypt too late, if an equally resolute mind had 
characterized any of the European sovereigns. 

The nation, prone to enthusiasm, when it 
saw itself saved, could not escape the danger 
of a boundless gratitude to the man, to whom 
they owed their preservation. Many trusted 
too much in his high and noble character, to 
fear in him a tyrant. The hope that he would 
also be a wise legislator, and the founder of 
genuine liberty, as he had been their Sa- 
l2 



,» 



354 BONAPARTE, &c. 

viour, animated them, and tranquillized their 

fears. 

Has not Bonaparte the will to render the 
French free and happy ? Is he ignorant of the 
best means to promote their fehcity, and to 
establish a rational hberty ? Does he look upon 
himselfj as the only man worthy to rule this 
great empire ? — Does he consider the French 
as incapable of any freedom at all ? Is it his 
persuasion, that they must be governed by 
force and despotism, and not by reason ? Does 
-this induce him to deny them even the benefit 
of a liberal education ? His future conduct 
will throw hght upon these questions. We 
shall follow him with our eyes, and his actions 
shall be recorded with faithfulness and impar- 
tiality. 



ssss 



APPENDIX. 



m,i' rt;^ tjim 

A Quotation from Lacratelle' s Pamphlet on the 
Dictatorship of Bonaparte. — Vide page 3 1 . 



L 



iACRATELLE in his latest publication, enti- 
tled, " Sieyes and Bonaparte," said, " All our insti- 
" tutions are crumbled into dust, but the powers of 
*' the soul rise again. Be always firm, never stray 
*' from that justice, which the present moment de- 
*' mands — ^never abuse the noble and beneficial indul- 
*' gence our laws owe to all, and which we have aright 
*' to expect. — Be always firm in honorably respecting 
*' the public opinion, which has been awakened by 
" you, in order that truth may perfect your wisdom, 
'' and teach you to defend your glory." He also says, 
" You have entered into a conspiracy, for what ? to 
*' alter every thing which existed. Your conspiracy 
" tended to what ? to an entire revolution. — From a 
" senate instituted to maintain the constitution, you 
" have asked ; what ? the means of overturning this 
" constitution. You have asked from the state bodies, 
" who represented the people ; what ? that they should 
" give in their resignation — into whose hands? into 



356 APPENDIX. 

" yours ; — At a moment when a foreign war was still 
*' carried on with acrimony ; when a civil war had 
" broken out, amidst all sorts of misery ; during a war 
" of all passions, in presence of all factions ; before 
*' all Europe you have established — ^what ? a dicta- 
*' torship !" He then addresses his fellow citizens. 
" The dictatorship is the consequence of commotions, 
*' of convulsions in the state body. It is brought forth 
*' by circumstances, it ceases with them. It is either 
*' given, or taken by force. It falls into the hands of 
" a corporate body, or in those of a single man. It 
*' exists by the laws, or against the laws ; it maintains 
" them, or it annihilates them. It saves nations ; it 
*' oppresses them. It prolongs its existence ; it ceases, 
" when it should. — It has more or less power as it was 
*' contended it should, all according to the character 
*' and temper of those, in whose hands it is, or ac- 
*' cording to the character of the people by whom it 
" is established, all according to the parties, the tem- 
" per, the passions, the inclinations, the opinions 
" which may prevail there. Let us well ponder the 
" circumstances, before we establish a dictatorship, 
*' or before we reject it ; let us try the character of 
" those to whom we trust or deny it. — Let us grant 
*' every thing, if it incline to the good — and deny all, 
" if its tendency be bad. Let us take care, that it 
*' may be as little necessary as possible, let us watch 
" when it dispenses favours, lay open its errors, and 
*' if it must be, let us show ourselves terrible against 
" fatal encroachments j — ^let us be without fear, and 



APPENDIX. 357 

** without enthusiasm ; — ^let us enjoy the ease which 
" it prepares, but always, look upon its actions, either 
" with gratitude or mistrust ; here with admiration 
" — ^there with reproach." He says of Bonaparte, 
" I was inclined to think well of Bonaparte. He must 
'*^have the natural magnanimity of a young heart, 
" though his head is wonderfully ripened already. If 
*' any thing can make him giddy, it must be the hope 
*' of becoming more than a protector, greater than a 
'* King ; to be the restorer of blessings we thought we 
*' had for ever lost. ; to be the founder of a great and 
*' glorious republic. Yet the seduction of power may 
*' determine him, who had only erred because he 
*' thought himself too sure." He says at last, " At 
'' the end of the 18th century nothing happens which 
*' could have happened at the end of the l/th." 

Laeratelle lastly dwells designedly on the conjunc- 
tion of two men, " Sieyes and Bonaparte," which ap-, 
peared so important to all genuine patriots. He says, 
" The dictatorship was not exclusively destined for 
*' the warrior, nor the philosopher, it was reserved for 
*' him, who united wisdom with strength. Would 
*' these men, the last hope of a frantic people, sink- 
" ing under a load of crimes and sufferings, — would 
** they not forfeit all public esteem, exhibit themselves 
" as cool calculators of their own dangers, and betray 
" an hateful ambition, who found their interest on 
"• the ruin of the state, if they had not accepted of the 
*•• power to perform all possible good, — ^that power, 
" of which they are to give an account, which would 



^58 APPENDIX. 

" have been granted to them as the gift of despair, 
" when the evil had reached its highest pitch. — These 
*' remarks, perhaps, accelerate the resolution of Bo- 
*' naparte, to get rid of this troublesome associate." 

This bold publication had scarcely made its appear- 
ance, when Sieves was also put aside. 

Quotationfrom Cabanis on a genuine Represen- 
tation, S(c. — Vide page 3 1 . 

Cabanis in vain notices in his speech on the 25th 
Frimaire, in the legislative commission of the council 
of five hundred, the chief requisites of a genuine re- 
presentative system, and the functions of the legisla- 
tive bodv, and of the tribunate. He exclaims with 
anxious fear, " The existence of this magistracy of 
" the people, connected with the liberty of the press, 
*' which must always be unlimited under a strong go- 
" vernment, is one of the principal guarantees of pub- 
*' lie liberty : For whatever may be attempted, there 
*' is no real and solid security, if it be not founded 
*' upon public opinion." The same anxious presen- 
timent of the future, draws the following words from 
the orator : " Our situation may render it necessary, 
" that certain members of the executive power place 
*' themselves at the head of the armies, or that nu- 
" merous military corps in the neighbourhood of the 
" grand community, where they reside, remain un- 
" der orders. But all this must only be looked upon 
" as a provisional measure, and we must not delay, 
" recurring to the fundamental principles, as soon as 
" tranquillity is restored at home and abroad. 



APPENDIX. 359 

*' In vain does Chenier exclaim in his speech at the 
" sitting at the tribunate, on 23 Germinal, wherein he 
" wisely demanded, that it should be held twice in a 
" month, during the future vacancies of the legislative 
" body, for 8 months, in order to deliberate on every 
" subject which might appear to them expedient for 
" the benefit of the administration, and to communi- 
" cate it as the wish of the tribunate. In vain, ex- 
" claims he, like Lacratelle and Cabanis, the rest- 
" less enemies of reason, the self interested slander- 
" ers of learning, hoped to break down the building 
" of the French revolution. They flatter themselves 
" in vain, to lead us back to fanaticism, to feudal 
" prejudices : their mode of reasoning in favor of its 
" possibility is so easily refuted, that it is now look- 
" ed upon as common-place argument. 

" They will be unable to check the career of human 
" understanding ; like the inquisitors, who could not 
*' stop the rotation of the earth by throwing Galeleo 
" into a dungeon ; like the persecutors of Faust and 
" Guttemburgh, who could not check the progress of 
" the art of printing, which threatened destruction 
" to all tyrants, and changed the face of the whole 
" earth." 

Observations y by the Author , on Lord Gren- 
villes Note. — Vide page 3{. 

The answer of Lord Grenville contained nothing 
but a denial of the most incontrovertible facts, eva- 
sions, and pretences to continue the war. It appears 



3©D APPENDIX. 

at the same time, from the speech of this noble Lord, 
in the house, that he was not inclined to negociate. 
The reasons alleged by him, and his partisans, to 
justify this want of good will, are remarkable. They 
say the French had been the aggressors ; strange 
enough, that no negotiation is to be entered into on 
that account ! Then every war must be a war of ex- 
termination. The worst of it was, that the English 
had themselves been the aggressors, but the French 
knew how to retort the charge upon the English. 
Again they say, " They could not treat with the 
f' French, as France had been continually ruled by 
*' republican principles since the war. Yet had they 
" not attempted to negociate with Dumourier, even 
" in the first year of the republic ! shortly after the 
*' sending away of the ambassadors ? Had they not 
*' sent an agent with proposals to the committee of 
*' public safety, (comite du saliit public) in the second 
" year of the republic ? Had they not offered in the 
*' fourth year, to treat with the directory ? Did they 
*' not repeat the attempts again with this same direc- 
" tory, both before and after the 18 Fructidor? 

" Did they not declare, when the negociations were 
" broken off, that they were ready to renew them, if 
" the revolutionary government of the republic shew- 
" ed itself inclined to peace ? Why would they not 
" now treat with. Bonaparte ? The blunt answer to 
" this question v/ill, perhaps, explain the whole con- 
" duct of the English ministry, during the French 
" revolution. 



APPENDIX. 361 

^' Bonaparte was looked upon as a man, who might 
" have the high and noble ambition, as well as the 
" power, to give that free constitution to France, 
" which it had frequently attempted to establish, by 
*' several means, but always in vain. It was imagined 
" that he could accomplish the grand work, which 
" England, or rather the ministry, dreaded since the 
*' revolution ; conscious of their having attempted to 
" degrade the people, and undermine the English 
** constitution. 

^' If the French, strangers to all true republican 
*' virtues, could succeed in any way to obtain this 
" great end ; how much easier would it have been to 
" the English citizens, for centuries past, who have 
" been bred up to liberty, who possess the two grand 
*' requisites of free citizens, in a high degree, name- " 
*' ly, a disposition to find out the beneficial law, by 
" a fair and general discussion, and a sacred respect 
" towards established customs." 

Finally, The ministers said, " That the French 
" government could not offer any guarantee, and that 
" time only could decide, what degree of confidence 
** it deserved. As if it were the custom to make the 
*' past, and not the present nor the future, the basis 
" of negociations ; as if after any change of govern- 
" ment in France, the new one would always make 
" war, and conjure up a new coalition. 

*' After many confused and contradictory recrimi- 
*' nations, the minister gives it as his opinion, that 
*' the restoration of the old dinasty, suspended by the 
M 2! 



362 APPENDIX. 

" revolution, would be the best security of govfern- 
*■'' merit ; it would ensure to France the undisputed 
" possession of their former territorj^, or rather, it 
*' would prevent any impression on the English peo- 
" pie disadvantageous to the ministry. The speech 
" of Mr. Pitt in the House of Commons, repeats 
" in plain terms, these evasive reprobations." 

Bonaparte was treated there, and in the upper 
house, like a faithless robber and assassin. The sword 
was therefore to decide, and peace must be conquered. 

Quotation from the speeches of DaunoUy Jean 
de Brie, and Berijamin Constant, after 
Bonaparte* s return from Marengo. — Vide 
page 39. 

The friends of liberty availed themselves of every 
opportunity, to remind their victorious chief of his 
duty, whilst the nation in enthusiastic strains, loudly 
sang his praises. In the sitting of the tribunate on 
the 3d Messidor, which took place in consequence of 
the news respecting the victory at Marengo, and in 
order to deliberate on the most proper celebration of 
the same, some patriotic orators did not fail, after 
many just eulogiums to express their fears and wishes 
concerning their leader, who was returning crowned 
with glory. Daunou says, " The battle of Marengo, 
*' glorious as it is in itself, is still more glorious on 
" account of the consequences, which you are entitled 
" to expect. It consolidates the power of the republic, 



APPENDIX. 368 

" gives additional lustre to its government, and se- 
*' curity to freedom. It dispels the fears of future 
" institutions incompatible with the genius of the 
" republic. It adds to the joy of the people, the 
" national festival, (the festival day of the republic) 
" which all are to celebrate, and they can now indulge 
*' the noblest feelings of the human heart, in the bo- 
" som of universal harmony, without the bitter pang 
" of mournful recollections. No ! this liberty, the fruit 
" of so many sacrifices, the price of so many triumphs, 
*' never can again be taken av/ay from us." 

Jean de Brie endeavours to compare this remarka- 
ble victory, (which appeared to strengthen anew the 
pillars of the republic) and the heroic fall of the 
noble Dessaix, with the conquest and death of Leoni- 
das and Epaminondas. He adds, " Who will prevent 
" us, from manifesting our feelings, and by every en- 
" couragement exciting a noble display of generous 
*' sentiments in republicans, by shewing to them, that 
" the memory of virtuous citizens is engraven on the 
" hearts of their magistrates." 

Benjarnin Constajit^ praises in his speech, all the 
Italian patriots, who were released in consequence of 
the treaty, after the battle of Marengo. He looks 
upon it, as a happy foreboding for those who suffered 
for the cause of liberty in Ireland. He exclaims, 
" Honor to all republican proclamations, which sound 
" the language of liberty, of equality, of sovereignty 
*' of the people ; this language is worthy of heroes ; 
" some contemptible voices would fain silence, by 



S64 Appendix.' 

" empty declamation. Hail ! and a joyful welcome 
" to the highly honoured sacrifices in the glorious 
*' cause, and to the brave out-laws, whom the fate of 
*' the republic calls from subterranean dungeons. 
*' May we follow their example !" 

He extols the peace, which he prophecies as a ne- 
cessary consequence of the victory of Marengo, and 
exclaims with the utmost animation, and patriotic 
feeling, " Peace secures the rights of the individual, 
*' the rights of a whole nation, and the representative 
" system to futurity. Peace will restore to us the 
*' indispensable liberty of the press, will restore to 
" reason its innate power, and open to the enltghten- 
*' ed mind, a view to be useful to mankind, and to 
*' promote the noble independence of thought." 

RioufF then exclaims, with republican enthusiasm, 
*' The soldiers of liberty exhibit themselves, as they 
" have never ceased to do for the last ten years, as 
*' models of patience, and submission, as the bulwark 
*' and pride of their native land. What are the hopes 
*' left to the enemies of the republicans ? What are 
*' the proofs, their policy can demand ? Superior to 
*' the griping pressure of want, and to the temptations 
" of affluence, on the barren Alps, and in the fruitful 
*' fields of Campania, in misfortunes and success, they 
" are animated but by one desire, — that of shedding 
" the last drop of their blood, for this gi'and object ; 
*' — liberty and equality. Surrounded by raging fac- 
" tions, dispersed or united, in dungeons or in the 



APPENDIX, 3G5 

" curulean seats, their legislators still resound in 
"•their ears, liberty and equality. 

** The revolutionary tempest rages in vain, it can- 
*' not obliterate the sentiment of liberty, of personal 
" liberty, so deeply rooted in the hearts of men." 
The republican writers manifested, like Guinguenet, 
their fears more openly. " The genuine friends of 
" liberty," said he, " are not without fears ; they see 
" how a party, declaring against all parties, endea- 
" vours to reign alone ; how it attempts to reintro- 
*' duce all ancient institutions, even those that had 
*' been acknowledged deficient "during the monarchy. 
*' They are uneasy, as they cannot see where an end 
*' of the retrogression to those abuses will be, which 
" crept in with the revolution. — As the men, who 
*' stand at the head of that party, whose existence can 
** no more be denied, are notorious for their hatred 
*' of every form of republican government, for their 
" ambition and talents. 

" But the government, which openly declared, that 
" it would have no party, whose interest it is, not to 
*' throw themselves imprudently into the arms of 
^' those who cajole them first, to stifle them after- 
" wards : it will shield the republic against the new 
*' danger with which it is threatened. These dan- 
" gerous men only desired quiet in former times, only 
-* the permission to live unobserved ; but now all will 
" seize on the first places, will realise their plans and 
" systems, will subvert all that was before, to restore 
*'' it again. Family of Bonapai'te ! the republicans 



366 APPENDIX. 

*' place their hopes in you ; — You will repel the clan- 
" destine enemies who flatter you now, but do not 
*' pardon it to have been the supports and even the 
" founders of our present governnaent." Thus spoke 
Ginguenet^ when the news of the victory of Marengo 
arrived ; and soon after, when many foreigners, see- 
ing the universal enthusiasm, feared for the destruc- 
tion of liberty, he exclaimed, " Ten years of firm- 
*' ness, of energy, and of heroism, should have estab- 
*' lished the opposite opinion. Every interest centres 
*' in the desire of maintaining the revolutions, and 
" establishments. The majority of Frenchmen have 
*' taken too active a pert to recede. Why should 
*' they now alter their opinion as they see an end to 
*' all the evils of revolutions — for where disturbances 
" take place, vices will manifest themselves, as they 
" have arrived to a firm, quiet and happy order of 
" things, as genius and victory protect them." 

Quotatiofi from Jean d\4ngelys, " Bulletiii 
de Parish — Vide page 10?. 

St. Jean d' Angely, offered in his Bulletin of Paris, 
an essay on usui-pers. After having quoted a passage 
from a publication, entitled the " central lodge of 
genuine freemasons," to prove that Arminius had not 
been an usurper, and that the greatest princes had been 
proud to rank him among their ancestors, though he 
did not descend from a Cheruskian Monarch, he adds, 
^> It would be improper to attempt to prove that all 



APPENDIX. 367 

." governments originally bear the stain of usurpation ; 
" we must therefore acknowledge the humiliating 
" truth, that nothing exists in nature, which had not 
*' its origin in a previous dissolution." He also shews, 
*' That most of those, to whom history applies the 
" title of usurpers, were such extraordinary characters 
" as nature only produces at great intervals, to rescue 
. *' civil society from overgrown evils." Yet what are 
the arguments, of which this shameless counsellor of 
state, openly avails himself in the face of a republican 
people ? Hear him ! " Who has ever dared to ques- 
." tion the fame of a Deioces. The Medes, his coun- 
" trymen, living under a repvibiican government, 
*' found themselves assailed by the murderous and fu- 
" rious attacks of democracy. Deioces, who had led 
" them to victory, subjects them to laws replete with 
" wisdom. Rousing them from the dangerous illu- 
*' sions of freedom, which they had never known ; 
" bold and successful, he allows them to proclaim him 
" the first King of the Medes. He assembles a splen- 
*' did court around his person, and only shews him- 
*' self to his subjects in royal splendor, whilst he 
.*'• unites strength arid magnificence in his government, 
*' and becomes the founder of the greatest empire ia 
♦' Asia." 

The wise King Hiero, at whose feet the Syracusi- 
ans laid their tumultuous freedom, is also held out 
as a glorious example. This counsellor very distinct- 
ly explains himself at last. He says, " Never were 
" there so many assentient voices upon one political 



36S APPENDIX. 

^^ question, collected in Paris, as that of the consulate 
" for life. You desire a lasting political establish- 
" ment. — One party begins to think, that a dynasty is 
*' not always of divine origin, that the family of Hugo 
" Capet, ascending the throne of the Carolovingians 
" by a revolution, had no other right to it, than that 
*' of possession. Rights of this sort must naturally 
*' cease, when a new order of things is introduced.— 
*' An opposite system would eternize the confusion 
" in political affairs. The claims of Stanislaus Xavier 
" are not to be compared with those which the car- 
*^ dinal of York possessed to the throne of England. 
*^ The commitment of the British government to a 
*^ Dutch general in the year 1688, (how cunning, to 
*' call the Prince William of Orange, only a Dutch 
*' general) is a true rebellion still, if the consequen- 
*' ces from certain principles, exclusively applied to 
*' France were also applied to England (how malici- 
*' ous towards England, after the negociations for 
*' peace had just begun)." 

The counsellor prophecies lastly the results of this. 
He says, " The accession of Bonaparte to a consulate 
*' for life, will be a grand event. — As the best insti- 
*' tutions are those, which proceed from circumstan- 
" ces ; 'as the most lasting constitution is that, which 
" has been sanctioned by time ; it is to be hoped, 
" that the constitution, roughly drawn on the 18th 
" Brumaire, will attain its final perfection, and present 
*' to France, a guarantee, eagerly wished for, by all 
*' friends of tranquillity, and domestic happiness." 



APPENDIX. S69 

Criticismipassed by the Author ^ on M. Necker, 
Condor cet, and Cajniltie Jour dan s last pub- 
lications. — Vide page 139. 

The work of M. Necker is written with modera- 
tion ; yet had he lived in Paris, he would have neither 
composed nor published it there : — after the example 
of Voltaire, who would not have written at Paris 
what he sent into the world from Femey ; the man 
of power and the philosopher must not stand too near 
each other. Nay, the honest author must not keep the 
daily company of fortune-hunters, nor draw his plea- 
sures from the same source which is contaminated by 
effeminate men. Every feeling, every thought is 
questioned and ridiculed by them : it is thus they en- 
deavour to elude the shafts of his reproof. Of what 
use can he be to the friend of reading, and to posterity. 

Necker must absolutely have lived by himself to 
be able to write in this manner ; but to be a politician, 
he ought to have lived with the world. He is evidently 
unacquainted with the present age, else he would have 
acknowledged the only good in it, namely, the dispo- 
sition in man, to compare his own necessities, with the 
constant wants of mankind. Necker is possessed of 
sufficient penetration, to point out the present faults, 
and to propose better institutions. Yet his eye is fixed 
on the present alone, and in vain would a young read- 
er ask, why should this love of liberty be the inces- 



S70 APPENDIX. 

sant mover of men ? In vain would the experienced 
reader inquire, whence may the forms of government 
proposed by the author, derive soHdity ? For that 
pohtician, who is unable to quote some fundamental 
institutions of society, on which the public offices and 
their mutual relations may securely rest, will only 
complete a building of paper. 

This essential point has not been better explained 
by him, than by all the late bungling constitution- 
makers of revolutionary states. Where civil liberty 
existed before, vv'here its enjoyment has produced 
its perfect knowledge, and an attachment to it, there 
may the building be completed with ease. 

But this good fortune did not fall to the lot of 
France, and that it might not enjoy it, their archi- 
tects, instead of laying a solid foundation, pleased 
themselves in ornamenting the rooms. We know 
pretty well, whether it be comfortable living in them ; 
but have we examined, whether the convenience of 
the rooms depend on the antiquity or novelty of the 
building. Have we examined what must be done 
first, before we can erect the edifice ? Such inquiiy 
may be avoided, by the introduction of a power, 
which can master all human passion, and in this case, 
Necker very properly says, 

" La Science des legislateurs est inutile dans des 
" pays ou I'on demande, que tout soit soumis a la vo- 
" lonte d'un seul : il n'y a plus alors, c|ue des conseils 
*' a donner a Pautorite Supieme." — Unlimited mon- 
archs have felt, notwithstanding that all institutions 



APPENDIX. 371 

should be the offspring of necessity only. Frederic 
the Great asks in his " Epitre a son esprit," 

" Mais da pouvoir des rois connoissons I'origine ; 
" Pensez-vous, qu' Aleves par une main divine, 
" Leur peuple, leur etat, leur ait ete commis 
" Comme un troupeau stupide a leurs ordres soumis. 

Does he not solve the riddle ? 

" Les crimes effrontes, I'artifice des traitres 
*' Forcerent les humains a se donner des maltres. 
*' Themis arma leur bras de son glaive vengeur 
" Pour inspirer au vice une utile frayeur. 

He also adds — 

" D'autres en usurpant un bien illegitime, 

" Devinrent souverains — en prodiguant le crime. 

With the work of M. Necker, another publication 
may be read, to become perfectly acquainted v/ith na- 
tional improvement, namely, Condorcet's progres de 
Pesprit humain. Both publications have their merit ; 
both authors have a penetrating eye, and wish for the 
public good. But the basest hireling of a marketing 
bookseller in Germany, would not have dared to pass 
by the fundamental principle in ethics v.ithout noticing 
it, like Condorcet. He would have deduced, in the 
first work, all rights and duties from human nature, to 
shew, that no society of civilized men can renounce 
them, from mere prudence, and unqualified submis- 
sion. As indifferent as the German execution expe- 
riment might have turned out, it would have had a 
solid basis at least, and the nation would not have 



573 APPENDIX. 

sviflfered any body to force upon them a meaner one. 
It is not so with our more cultivated neighbours, who 
excel us in many respects. Solidity is not always 
their chief care, and if men determine too rashly, 
they will often be disgusted. Yet, as long as we re- 
main undetermined, we are in danger of erring, when 
we think ourselves most in the right. 

Thus M. Necker, for instance, refutes the known 
aristocratical saying, " Rien par, et tout pour le peu- 
" pie," (nothing by the means of the people, but all 
for the people,) by the manifest impossibility of its 
execution ; yet of this maxim, (supposing the possibi- 
lity of following it,) he says, " C'est a marveille." It 
is, as if good fortune and right, accidental enjoy- 
ments, and well earned property, were one and the 
same thing. As if it were enough for a people to be 
well governed only. As if it were unnecessary for the 
people to take any share in government. A comfort-, 
able situation ought to be made to mankind, but why 
enlighten the people ? The latter privilege may re* 
main the prerogative of a few favorites of nature in 
its most limited state, limited as it always will be. 
The philanthropic Necker would certainly not main- 
tain such a doctrine ; yet does he not ? 

The liberal cultivation of the human mind for li- 
berty, and its permanence, by a republican govern- 
ment, secured against all despotic infringement, has 
been defended by a coteniporary writer, Camille 
Jourdan, in his pamphlet on the true sense with 
which the nation has given its voice on the consulate 



APPENDIX. £f5 

for life. His arguments are weak, yet the pamphlet 
has the merit of having made its appearance at a 
time, when all France was silent, though the grand 
majority of the nation were against the measure. — 
Camille published it soon after the closing of the lists ; 
not to prevent the First Consul from receiving this 
great proof of national gratitude, but to remind him 
of what he owed the nation for their gift, and what 
the nation, or rather he and his equals, expected from 
Bonaparte. He supposed, perhaps, to find the ambi- 
tion of a prudent state minister in the proud despot, 
and to tickle his vanity in the French style. He was 
childish enough to believe, that his words would not 
be lost with the First Consul, and therefore noticed 
every thing which the Constitution of the 18th Bru- 
jnaire still wanted ; to render and secure that liberty 
to the French, for which they had so long struggled 
and suffered, and which they anxiously desired. And 
this is nothing less than the complete personal secu- 
rity of citizens, which puts a stop to all former arbi- 
trary imprisonments, and deportations ; the full en-? 
joyment of liberty ; the responsibility of ministers and 
officers of state ; the independence of judicial pro- 
ceedings ; a well constitutioned municipality, chosen 
by the communities ; the genuine freedom of speech, 
and liberty of the press ; regular, uninfluenced elec- 
tions ; two houses of parliament, carefully and wise^? 
ly constituted ; reduction of the army to its proper 
bounds ; a genuine militia, as the bulwark of property 
and liberty ; a legal regulation, respecting the succes- 



$T4t APPENDIX, 

sion to the highest magistracy, in case of death, and 
no family heir. 

This man, who had the good of the RepubHc at 
heart, has here stated before hand, not only the very 
objects which Bonaparte never has aimed at, since his 
accession to the consulate for life, but also those salu- 
tary regulations, which he has annihilated by his se- 
natus consultum. The good republican has thus in- 
formed the proud despot of every thing, which might 
prepare an obstacle to his designs, and must therefore 
be removed. 

Smooth and respectful as his expressions were, they 
did not perhaps stop the bold usurper in his rash ca- 
reer. Master and servants made a jest of his publica- 
tion ; they prohibited its circulation, but did not con- 
fiscate the copies ; and it was doubtful, whether the 
author had obtained this prohibition, in order to in- 
crease the sale of it, or whether government meant it 
really so. All official prints abused it with greater ma- 
lice than that of M. Necker. 

^ quotation from M. Talleyrand^ s earlier pub- 
lication on Lotteries, vide page 164. 

He says, " Certes, lorsque les yeux de 1' assemblee 
" nationale se porteront sur les loteries, elle apper- 
*' cevra dans un insT.ant, que cette invention execra- 
*' ble, destinee a choquer tous les principes de la mo- 
" rale au meme degre, ou elle viole toutes les propor- 
*' tions de I'arithmetique honnete, frappc le peuple. 



APPENDIX, 375 

*' dont les moeurs et la substance sont incessamment 
" menacees, detruit le gout du travail, introduit la 
" fraude et I'infidelite, engendre les vols, les assassi* 
" nats, les forfaits ; et chose horrible ! EUe offre le 
*' hideux spectale d'un gouvernement exer9ant le plus 
" vil des escamotages ; et mettant I'innocence, le 
" bien cere des hommes au miserable prix de quelques 
" millions. 

Quotations from Miraheaiis translation of a 
zvorki that appeared in England many years 
backy under the title, " Essay on the Order 
of Cincinnalusr 

" L'institution de I'ordre de C'lncinnatusestla crea- 
" tion d'un veritable patriciat, et d'une noblesse mili- 
" taire, qui ne tardera point a devenir une noblesse 
*' civile et une aristocratie d'autant plus dangereuse, 
" qu' etant hereditaire, elle s' acroitra sans cesse par 
" le terns, et se fortifieramemepar les prejages,qu'elle 
'' fera naltre ; qu' etant nee hors de la constitution 
" et des loix, les loix n'ontpas pourvu aux raoyens de 
" la repi'imer, et qu'elle pesera sans cesse sur la con- 
" stitution dont elle ne fait point partie ; jusqu'a ce 
" que par des attaques tantot sourdes et tantot ouver- 
" tes, elie y soit melee en s'y incorporant, ou qu' apres 
" I'avoir long terns minee, elle I'ebranle a la fin et la 
" detruise. 

" Les families patriciennes (a Rome) ayant reuni 
*' dans leurs mains la puissance du monarque et P in- 



3f6 APPENDIX. 

" fluence de la noblesse, chaque patriclen devint Un 
" Tarquin ; et Rome n'eut pas plus qu' auparavant 
" sa liberie politique ; avec cette difference, que la 
" tyrannie resida desormais dans un corps : et mille 
*' tyrants sont un fleau mille fois plus horrible et plus 
*' redoubtable qu' un seul tyran, &;c." 

He also explcmis the origin of modern Nobility 
in Europe. 

*' La noblesse modem de I'Europe, qu' etoit elle 
" dans son origine ? Des chefs de guerriers feroces, 
" qui joignoient la barbarie de la victorie a celle des 
" moeurs, dont les premiers titres furent I'usurpation 
*' et le brigandage, et qui ne fonderent leur preemi- 
" nence au-dessus de leur nation, que sur le droit de 
" commander, qu' ils exer9oient dans leurs combats. 
*' C'est de la qu'est sortie cette foule de Comtes, de 
" Dues, de Marquis, qui ont inonde et ravage I'Eu- 
" rope. Tous ces titres de la vanite humaine n'etoi- 
" ent dans les premiers tems que des titres militaires, 
*' qui marquoient les differens degres de commande- 
" ment ; mais ces niemes titres sont devenus bientot 
*' des distinctions et des privileges eclatant dans 1' or- 
*' dre civil. Bientot ils ont fonde cette feodalite bar- 
" bare, qui, pendant des siecles, a avili le genre hu- 
" main." 



APPENDIX. 377 

He shews the ridiculous^ lozv, and superstitious 
origin of Orders and their Insignia. 

" Le inepris mSine, qui devoit s'attacher a leur ori- 
" gine n'a pu empcoher I'orgueil et la miserable va- 
" nite de I'homme, de les embrasser avidement. lis 
" sont devenus un nouveau signe d'inegalite ; vine 
" nouvelle marque qui, au gre du caprice, t^tablit en- 
*' core des rangs et des barricres dans les etats, ou la 
" classe ordinaire des citoyens est deja surchargee, et 
" fletrie de tant de distinctions civiles. lis ont crce 
" des rangs jusques dans la noblesse, fonde un nou- 
" veau patriciat dans le patriciat, un nouvel orgeuil 
" dans I'orgueil, et de nonveaux moyens d'oppression, 
" dans I'oppression. Une partie de ces patriciens si 
" fiers, de ces descendans de guerriers et d'anciens 
*' tyrans du peuple, est devenue elle meme une esfece 
*' de peuple, par rapport a ceux de leur ordre que la 
*' faveur du prince, le hazard, le bonheur de plaire, 
*' ou une obeissance servile aux caprices des cours, 
*' ont decor es de ces signes imposans." 

Quotation from M. Thomas Molly's Speech^ 
" Eloge de Marc-Aurel." 

M. Thomas exclaimed, with enthusiasm, " La li. 
" berte est le premier droit de Hiomme, le droit de 
" n'obeir qu' aux loix et de ne craindre qu' elles. Mal- 
*' heur a T esclave qui craindroit de prononcer sou 
" nom ! Malheur au pays ou le prononcer seroit un 
02 



S7B APPENDIX. 

*' crime ! — L'homme, n6 libre, mais avec le besoin 
*' d'etre gouvern^, s'etoit soumis a des loix, jamais 
" aux caprices d'un mr itre ; nul homme n'a le droit 
" de commander arbitrairement a un autre ; qui usurpe 
" ce pouvoir, debniit son pouvoir irciiie. — La loi est 
*' tout : la constitution des etats pent changer ; les 
*' droits du citoyen sont toujours les memes. lis sont 
*' independants et de I'ambitieux qui usurpe, et du 
*' laohe qui se vend ; fondes sur la nature, ils sont in- 
" alterables comme elle." 

JIfler the Jufho?''s reasonitig on the Papers 
Bulls in Switzerland. 

A different fate would have awaited Switzerland, if 
it had paid attention to the patriotic appeals of one of 
its noblest and most enlightened fellow citizens twenty 
years ago. S. Muller, in his history of that countn^, 
made the follov/ing remark : " Every nation, however 
" just and peaceful it may be, in the course of the 
" multifarious political changes, may unexpectedly 
" be called upon to exhibit its value to the world. — 
" But how when it sleeps ! The great views of policy 
" are lost sight of during a long continued peace ; 
*•■ the foundations of constitutions begin to decay : 
*■' The wisdom of our ancestors degenerates into pre- 
*' judices, and disturbances of some consequences ex- 
" cite but little alarm. Jealous of each other, the 
*' different Cantons lose sight of the general good, 
*' and are guided by the pitiful motives of self-inter-. 
*^ est : Thus monarchies fall into decay.— ^A state. 



7!t|Miii9 



APPENDIX. 579 

" which raised itself to that dignity, by extraordinary 
*' virtues alone, dares not forget itself. It is incalcu- 
*' lable what men can accomplish, and to what height 
" they may raise themselves, if they feel unshack- 
*' led. The spirit of your forefathers, whose seats 
*' you now fill, demand from your wisdom a consoli- 
*' dation of our mutual bonds, by an unceasing war 
*' against selfishness and unpatriotic designs ; he calls 
" upon the first and wisest among you to set the glo- 
** rious example. Nothing great nor good can be ob- 
" tained without it ; but it cannot be accomplished 
*' unless you abstain from preventing the dissemina- 
*' tion of knowledge, (which is hateful) ; tmless you 
" abstain from attempts to suppress it, (which would 
*' be unavailing) -, unless you guide it with superior 
" wisdom. If it be true, (and who will doubt it) that 
** our morals depend on our ideas j that on the former, 
*' on our oath, on industry and self-denial, the exist- 
" ence of our Republic alone depends. What would 
** the world say and think, if it observed, that the 
** mode of our public instructions were not freed from 
" all former catholic, scholastic, and controversial 
" stains ; if no instruction of the history of other Re- 
" publics, no national spirit, no national peculiarity 
" were to be found among ourselves, during a period, 
" when it cannot be secure for a moment, Mdthout 
" the highest patriotic zeal : — The world would say, 
*' we desire the object, but not the means." 

F J A" I S. 



JUL 



24 B^ 



**< 



